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Friday, November 30, 2018

Lies, lies and more lies: This is not how innocent people act - The Washington Post





"Imagine for a moment that President Trump is right when he claims there is, in fact, no Russia scandal — because the entire thing is a hoax, a fraud, a witch hunt — and that neither he nor any of his family members, employees, or associates did anything wrong.

If that were the case, how would they all have conducted themselves as this controversy has gone on?
There’s one thing we should all be able to agree on: If they were all innocent, they would be telling the truth about what they did and didn’t do. That’s because the truth would exonerate them. What has happened, instead, is that one person after another, from the president on down, has lied about their actions, their contacts with Russia and the decisions they made.
In short, they’re acting like the guiltiest bunch of people since Richard M. Nixon’s Committee to Reelect the President."
Lies, lies and more lies: This is not how innocent people act - The Washington Post

President Donald Trump Thinking Of Damage Control Instead Of The G20 | V...

Toobin: First day I thought Trump may not finish term

Wednesday, November 28, 2018

Cindy Hyde-Smith and the True Winner in Mississippi’s Senate Race | The New Yorker





"By 11:50 Eastern Time on Tuesday night, as the results rolled in from laggard precincts, it was clear that Cindy Hyde-Smith had defeated Mike Espy in the U.S. Senate race in Mississippi, but in a larger sense it was history that prevailed. That history—a notably unsightly one for which people ought to be ashamed but which some prefer to burnish into a facsimile of glory—has everything to do with why an inflammatory white Republican in Mississippi never really faced a serious political threat from a black establishment Democrat in the runoff election for the Senate seat.



A series of outrageous statements, regardless of whether they were calculated or clueless, was not sufficient to alienate enough white Republicans from Hyde-Smith. She blithely stated that she would be willing to sit in the front row of a public hanging, in a state whose history is marred by the spectacle murders of black people at the hands of racist white mobs. She “joked” that she was in favor of making it more difficult for certain people to vote in the state where, in 1966, the N.A.A.C.P. activist Vernon Dahmer was killed—his home was firebombed—for the crime of registering black people to vote. Earlier, she had praised Beauvoir, the home of Jefferson Davis, as “Mississippi history at its best!” (It was also reported last week that she had graduated from a “segregation academy,” created to sidestep the Supreme Court’s Brown v. Board of Education decision, and sent her daughter to a school that had had the same origins.)



Given that Hyde-Smith couldn’t breach the fifty-per-cent mark in the general election, on November 6th—triggering the runoff between Hyde-Smith and Espy, the top two vote-getters—those blemishes led many people to ponder the possibilities of an upset. Some Mississippi Republicans worried that there might be a replay of the Doug Jones upset in Alabama’s Senate race, last year, which is part of why they asked Donald Trump to appear at two separate rallies for her on the day before the runoff election. But the fear wasn’t justified. Hyde-Smith and her Republican opponent accounted for fifty-eight per cent of the votes on November 6th. Barring a significant reason for Republicans to have stayed at home on Tuesday or, almost inconceivably, to have voted for a black Democrat, there was not a strong likelihood that an upset was in the offing. It’s worth recalling that Roy Moore was both unpopular with the Republican establishment and a national laughingstock for weeks leading up to the Alabama election last year. His scandals, particularly the allegations of improper behavior with underage girls (which he denied), emerged during the most intense stretch of the #MeToo moment and disturbed Americans across political lines. None of that applied to Cindy Hyde-Smith.



Espy employed a strategy that had been effective in other states with significant black populations: running up sizable margins with African-American voters, particularly urban ones, while peeling off a large-enough minority of white voters to secure victory. (It was used, for example, in Douglas Wilder’s successful 1989 gubernatorial bid in Virginia.) The strategy is not that different from the one that many white Democrats follow in statewide and national races, but the operative question for black candidates has been the extent to which they can appeal to white electorates. A handful of black Democrats won election in majority-white House districts during the midterms, but the strategy of winning super-majorities of the black vote combined with a sliver of the white electorate has remained the default for black candidates in statewide races. That’s why the gubernatorial defeats of Andrew Gillum, in Florida, and of Stacey Abrams, in Georgia, are so significant. Each was attempting to win over a large-enough share of white voters in highly polarized times and against opponents who played to racial resentments. Espy faced a particularly difficult situation. The population of Mississippi is thirty-eight-per-cent African-American, the highest percentage of any state in the Union, but racially polarized voting there meant it would be difficult to pull in enough white votes to win.



There are other implications. Early on in this exasperating moment that we call the Trump era, it was possible to take dull comfort in the fact that Trump’s ability to violate the norms of American politics appeared to be unique. In a Trumpian display during the 2017 Virginia gubernatorial race, the Republican nominee, Ed Gillespie, crusaded against “illegal immigrants” and defended the state’s Confederate monuments even after white supremacists rampaged in Charlottesville, in the name of preserving a statue of Robert E. Lee. (One of their number is now on trial, accused of driving his car into a crowd of counter-demonstrators and killing a thirty-two-year-old woman, Heather Heyer. He pleaded not guilty.) Gillespie lost to the Democrat, Ralph Northam.



Roy Moore cast himself in the mold of Trump during his doomed bid for a U.S. Senate seat. The lesson appeared to be that the precise formula of malignant charisma, bigotry, divisiveness, and misogyny that Trump used to great effect was not replicable. But the wisdom of that thinking has been called into question by some of the midterm results. Hyde-Smith’s victory means that, this month, three Southern white Republicans used cavalierly racist rhetoric in successful attempts to defeat three black Democrats in statewide races. In Florida, Ron DeSantis warned Floridians not to “monkey this up” by electing his rival. In Georgia, Brian Kemp billed himself as a Trump-like conservative who drove a large pickup truck so as to have room for the “criminal illegals” he might round up as he went about his day.



The pre-Trump Republican Party certainly relied on the support of whites who held racially bigoted views, but it struggled for plausible deniability in such matters. With Trump, the racism is out in the open, and so, in some cases, is the willingness of the electorate to tolerate it. The Mississippi race reinforced something that has been impossible to avoid but difficult to accept: Trump’s imprimatur actually helped some Republicans win elections. Nina Simone titled her racial-justice protest song “Mississippi Goddam.” The shame isn’t just that the song remains resonant fifty-four years after it was released but that, looking at the landscape of 2018, there are still so many other places she could sing about."



Cindy Hyde-Smith and the True Winner in Mississippi’s Senate Race | The New Yorker

Hakeem Jeffries Emerges as New Face of House Democrats - The New York Times





"WASHINGTON — At a leadership table of septuagenarians, Representative Hakeem Jeffries of New York has just emerged as the Democrats’ face of generational change.



Mr. Jeffries, a 48-year-old Brooklynite with a golden tongue, was elected by his fellow Democrats on Wednesday to the relatively obscure position of chairman of the House Democratic caucus. It is the No. 5 leadership spot, but Mr. Jeffries is now on the fast track, with the potential to make history as the first black speaker of the House.



“Hakeem represents the leading edge of a new wave of Democrats,” said Steve Israel, the former New York congressman and onetime chairman of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee. “I think he tapped into a sense in the caucus that the next generation of leaders needs to begin crystallizing.”



As Mr. Jeffries takes his place in Democratic leadership, at least two, and possibly three, of the top spots will be occupied by lawmakers who are pushing 80. A fourth, Representative Ben Ray Luján of New Mexico, who has been elected assistant Democratic leader, is, at 46, younger than Mr. Jeffries, but not as talked-about. One of the septuagenarians, Representative Nancy Pelosi of California, who is hoping to be elected speaker, is calling herself a “transitional” figure. Mr. Jeffries, questioned about his aspirations, sought to dismiss the speculation."



Hakeem Jeffries Emerges as New Face of House Democrats - The New York Times

Neil Gorsuch and Sonia Sotomayor just came out swinging against policing for profit.

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"Tyson Timbs just wants his car back. In 2015, Timbs was charged with selling heroin to undercover officers in Indiana to fund his opioid addiction. After he pleaded guilty, a private law firm filed a lawsuit on behalf of the state to confiscate his Land Rover SUV, valued at $42,000. That’s more than four times the maximum $10,000 fine for Timbs’ crimes. But because he briefly carried drugs in the vehicle, the firm claimed that it could seize and sell it, turning over some of the profit to Indiana and pocketing the rest.

Welcome to the topsy-turvy world of civil asset forfeiture, also known as legalized theft. Every year, the federal and state governments obtain billions of dollars thanks to the work of prosecutors who expropriate property with some tenuous connection to a crime. Most states use the money to fund law enforcement, called policing for profit. Indiana also lets private attorneys file forfeiture claims against defendants, earning contingency fees and a share of the profit. That’s what happened to Timbs—so he sued, insisting that extreme forfeiture violates the Constitution. On Wednesday, the Supreme Court signaled that it agreed, with an unusual coalition of justices assailing the practice. A decision for Timbs could curb law enforcement abuses across the country, limiting one of the most scandalous components of our criminal justice system."

Neil Gorsuch and Sonia Sotomayor just came out swinging against policing for profit.:

Toobin on Trump comment: Egregiously inappropriate

CNN obtains two of Trump’s answers to Mueller

Neil DeGrasse Tyson Interviews Stephen Colbert

Jon Stewart's Flipped Interview With Stephen Colbert

Tuesday, November 27, 2018

White House prevents Gina Haspel from briefing Senate on Khashoggi murder | World news | The Guardian

Gina Haspel in Washington DC on 9 May. On a national security issue of such importance, it would be customary for a senior intelligence official to take part.



"The White House is preventing the CIA director, Gina Haspel, or any other intelligence official from briefing the Senate on the murder of Saudi dissident and Washington Post columnist, Jamal Khashoggi.



The secretary of state, Mike Pompeo, and the defence secretary, James Mattis, are due to give a briefing on US relations with Saudi Arabia to the entire Senate behind closed doors on Wednesday, ahead of a vote that could cut off US support for Riyadh’s military campaign in Yemen.



On a national security issue of such importance, it would be customary for a senior intelligence official to take part. On this occasion, the absence of the intelligence community is all the more glaring, as Haspel travelled to Istanbul to hear audio tapes of Khashoggi’s murder provided by Turkish intelligence, and then briefed Donald Trump.



Officials made it clear that the decision for Haspel not to appear in front of the committee came from the White House.



According to multiple reports, the tapes and other intelligence material point clearly to Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman as having ordered Khashoggi’s killing in the Saudi consulate in Istanbul on 2 October.



The US president has asserted, however, that the CIA report is inconclusive – a claim greeted with scepticism by many senators who expected to hear first-hand from Haspel on Wednesday on a brutal killing that appears to have help sway several senators against continuing military support to Riyadh for the war in Yemen."



White House prevents Gina Haspel from briefing Senate on Khashoggi murder | World news | The Guardian

Has anti-Semitism returned with a vengeance?

Monday, November 26, 2018

"Faith The Substance Of Things Hoped For"

Manafort Breached Plea Deal by Repeatedly Lying, Mueller Says - The New York Times





"WASHINGTON — Paul Manafort, President Trump’s former campaign chairman, repeatedly lied to federal investigators in breach of a plea agreement he signed two months ago, the special counsel’s office said in a court filing late on Monday.



Mr. Manafort’s “crimes and lies” during a series of interviews with prosecutors working for the special counsel, Robert S. Mueller III, and the F.B.I. relieve them of all promises they made to him in the plea agreement reached in mid-September, investigators wrote in the filing."



Manafort Breached Plea Deal by Repeatedly Lying, Mueller Says - The New York Times

"“Give me your tired, your poor, Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free, The wretched refuse of your teeming shore.", only if you are white. This is what Trump’s caravan 'invasion' really looks like | US news | The Guardian





"Those walking to the US to seek asylum have been demonized by Trump, who sent more than 5,000 soldiers to await them at the border. traveled with the most vulnerable among them



By the time I reach the migrant caravan in late October, they’d been traveling for two weeks since leaving Honduras, having covered over 600 miles. Leaving from San Pedro Sula, one of the deadliest cities on Earth, they’d set out over mountains, through forest and rivers, and along the way became both an international menace and a symbol of hope. Most days, they tell me, afternoon rains had soaked their belongings. Ants had bitten them where they slept. Crossing into Mexico, riot police had attacked them with clubs and teargas.



But for the most part, they say, people had displayed extraordinary kindness. Farmers had greeted them on the roads with sliced oranges and bags of water and strangers had given them rides. Every day brought these tiny, unexpected miracles: a plate of beans when their children were crying, a pickup when their legs could go no further. And for that reason, they believe that God is traveling with them on this journey to America.



I discover them in San Pedro Tapanatepec in the southern state of Oaxaca, traveling along the Pan-American Highway, on what turned out to be the toughest day of the journey. The towns had been small, and few vehicles had passed along the country roads. Most of all, it had been hot, with temperatures reaching 95F (35C). Families with children had walked over nine hours and, once arrived, had collapsed into every nook and crevice of the town.



A caravan of 4,000 people doesn’t simply visit a town, it swallows it whole, figuratively if not physically, and takes it hostage with its energy and chaos. Migrants move through the streets stalling traffic. Their bedrolls occupy every open porch and sliver of shade. Near the market, lines of them spill out from the internet cafe and the Western Union. A crowd overwhelms the merchant selling cellular plans, and for about two hours they bring down the network. Along the streets, residents peer out though closed shades and many businesses have closed.





María Cáceres and her 15-year-old son Javier. Photograph: Hans-Maximo Musielik/Hans-Maximo Musielik for Guardian US

Hundreds of people have staked camp in the town plaza, pitching their tents and crude shelters atop the hard cobblestone – a landscape of muddy blankets and plastic sheeting strung from tree limbs, poles and whatever mooring against the weather they can find. Hundreds more, mainly families with children, have taken refuge in an adjacent gymnasium. It’s here where I find my group: a pair of single parents traveling to America with their children, who have severe disabilities.



María Cáceres’s son Javier, who is 15, has Down’s syndrome. He’s a tall, chunky kid, with short dark hair, a missing front tooth, and eyes that are permanently crossed.



María tells me how they fled San Pedro Sula after gang members constantly harassed her family for bribes and “taxes”. When they couldn’t pay, some men burned down their house, then murdered her two brothers. María had just finished burying them when – on 12 October – the caravan formed in the center of town. Traumatized, she left her two other children with relatives and told Javier it was time to go. The two of them joined the exodus with only the clothes on their backs.



The journey has been difficult for Javier, his mother says. In addition to Down’s, he was born with hydrocephalus, a condition where excess fluid collects in the brain. He easily gets dizzy and complains of headaches. Doctors have told María that he needs surgery, but she’s never had the money. He also suffers regular seizures, yet it’s been weeks since they could afford his anticonvulsant meds.



The previous day, Javier collapsed from the heat while walking the highway, and María worries he’ll have a seizure so far from a doctor. She points to his ankles that are swollen from wearing flip-flops, and says the food donated in the camps is making him vomit. He hasn’t been eating, she tells me. “He’s very weak. When he gets tired he just sits down in the road.”



Next to them is Juan Antonio and his six-year-old daughter Lesly, who has severe cerebral palsy. Unable to walk or speak, she’s bound to a stroller that’s too small and showing wear. Her big brown eyes slowly across the room, monitoring the action.





Lesly, six, sits in her stroller. She has cerebral palsy and can’t walk. Photograph: Hans-Maximo Musielik/Hans-Maximo Musielik for Guardian US

Juan is an aberration in the caravan – a single father traveling with so many women. A soft-spoken man, he hails from the mountains of western Honduras, where he worked in the coffee fields until the crops kept failing and forced his family to the city. In Ocotepeque, he found work as a security guard, but it paid little, and the streets where they lived were ruled by gangs and thieves. “One night they found us,” he says. “When I was at work, a man broke into my apartment and raped my wife.”



Lesly had sat in the room and witnessed the whole thing. For days his wife stayed home and cried. The rapist was a notorious gang member, and Juan knew that he would die trying to avenge her. Instead he called the police, who did nothing. When the man discovered Juan had snitched, there was no choice but to leave – but there was Lesly, who was all but paralyzed since she was two.



He’d recently gotten custody of the girl from her mother, his first wife, after he discovered she wasn’t being cared for properly. So along with his new wife and their one-year old baby, they latched on to the caravan. Lesly didn’t have a wheelchair or even a stroller, so Juan hoisted the long-legged girl in his arms and started walking.



When they reached Mexico several days later, his wife turned around and took their baby home. “It was too difficult for her,” he says. “The lack of food, sleeping on the ground. She went back to her family.” Now it was just him, Lesly, and Juan’s brother who’d joined them. They were trying to join their sister who lives in the United States, yet Juan isn’t sure where. He says this somewhat embarrassed – an admission I’d find common among asylum seekers.



Lesly sits in a stroller that someone had since donated, one of her feet scabbed from getting caught in the wheel. Just then, some kids set off some fireworks outside to celebrate the Día de los Muertos. The explosions send her into spasms. She arches her back and straightens her legs, then opens her mouth and emits a silent scream.



“Loud noises scare her,” Juan says, stroking her hair to calm her.



I look at this group, so fragile and helpless, and think how on Earth are they ever going to make it?



Each day, the caravan’s movements are planned on the fly. No one person leads the charge, although members of the group Pueblo Sin Fronteras, who have organized similar movements in the past, assist with support and logistics.



As the group heads north, advance brigades are sent to scout locations, speak to local leaders, and assess how best to shelter 4,000 men, women and children. Often the next destination isn’t announced until many are asleep. In the late evening we learn that tomorrow we travel to Santiago Nilpetec, another faceless town on the long journey north.



In the morning darkness, the migrant city comes alive. It awakens with a low murmur, a reckoning with the dawn. Babies fuss and mothers whisper. A thousand throats clear their phlegm from a nasty cold that has spreading through the ranks. And within minutes, all you hear is the sound of stroller wheels and restless feet as the shadows lift and move toward the highway.





Migrants in the caravan push strollers on the road. Photograph: Hans-Maximo Musielik/Hans-Maximo Musielik for Guardian US

The shoulders of the road are like swift-flowing currents. Lose track of someone in the darkness and they’re gone forever. I manage to find Juan and Lesly in the crowd, only to have them vanish as hundreds surge around me. I search but cannot find them, then surrender to the human wave. We find a rhythm.



The morning is cool and the stars bright overhead. I walk behind a mother and her two kids. The boy stares up at the big half-moon, then turns to his mother.



“Why does it have a halo?” he asks.



She has to think a bit.



“It means it’s looking at you,” she says.



“When we stop, the moon stops. It’s always watching over us.”



We walk until the moon disappears and the sun peeks over the blue mountains. The daylight reveals the scale of the caravan, stretching a mile in both directions, along with items it’s lost or discarded along the way: a child’s shoe. A pair of pantyhose. A sleeping bag. A banana peel draped carefully across a tree limb.



By late afternoon, the caravan has doubled the size of Nilpetec. It was only last September when an 8.2 magnitude earthquake shook this entire region, killing dozens and toppling buildings in every town. Nearly every one of the town’s 1,720 homes was damaged, while more than 500 were completely destroyed, says Zelfareli Cruz Medina, the town’s mayor.



Many people remain homeless, she tells me. But still, when residents received news of the approaching caravan, they banded together to welcome them. She starts reciting all the food currently being prepared – more than 4,000 sandwiches, fried fish, clean drinking water, while next to us, a group of women stand over a steaming vat of tamales.



“We know about suffering in this town,” the mayor says. “And we don’t want these people going through the same. It’s not a burden for us to help them. And besides, many of our own families have made this same voyage.”





Outside the gymnasium where migrants stay in San Pedro Tapanatepec, Oaxaca. Photograph: Hans-Maximo Musielik/Hans-Maximo Musielik for Guardian US

As we talk, I receive a text saying that President Trump has just ordered over 5,000 troops to the US border. A soldier for every migrant, waiting with a gun.



The families are being housed in a large community hall, where the plaster remains split from the earthquake. I find Juan and Lesly. It’s been a tough day, he says. “We walked for seven hours, and no one would give us a ride.” That’s because it’s easier for women. When drivers or the police scan the crowd and choose who gets aboard, all they see is another man, not this fragile girl obscured by bodies.



Lesly sits listless in her chair, wilted from the heat. They’d just come from the makeshift showers where Juan had bathed her. Now brushing her hair, he notices her head is full of lice. He sighs and keeps on brushing. Right now, they just need to eat. Some volunteers outside are serving plates of food to women and kids, so Juan picks up his daughter and joins the growing line. The only way he’ll get served is by actually presenting her in his arms.



I find Maria and Javier on the other side of the room. Javier is sprawled out on a blanket, fast asleep. His mother watches over him, pained.



“He couldn’t breathe,” she told me. “We were walking, and he started gagging.” They’d just set out from San Pedro that morning when Javier had a mild seizure. Luckily, they managed to find an ambulance, who could do little except give him water. It was my driver Rey who found them hours later, limping in the heat, and gave them a ride. A doctor with the Red Cross said Javier desperately needed his medication – Phenytoin, an anticonvulsant – but no pharmacy in town seemed to carry it.



“I don’t feel good about this,” María says. Like us, she heard the caravan was leaving again at 3am, bound for who knows where: north. “I don’t know how we can walk.”



But around nine o’clock in the evening, we receive wonderful news: families with kids won’t have to walk at all. Someone has provided a fleet of buses that will take them to straight to Juchitán Zaragoza, some 50km up the Pan-American.



Like everything else about this caravan, news of the buses proves controversial. After I post a small item about them arriving to town, conservative followers demand to know who’s paying for them?



Others had asked the same on Twitter. In fact, every Facebook post I’d made from Mexico had quickly produced a rotten trail of hate from both sides, with friends and relatives accusing each other of racism. All of this after Trump’s suggestion that Democrats were probably behind the caravan, and Representative Matt Gaetz of Florida wondering if the Jewish philanthropist and Democratic funder George Soros had financed them.



Fox News repeatedly referred to the migrant “invasion”, and one Fox anchor asked the homeland security secretary, Kristjen Nielsen, if there was any scenario under which US troops could just shoot them when they arrived. On 27 October, as I joined the caravan in San Pedro, a conspiracy-crazed gunman had walked into the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh and murdered 11 people – including a 97-year-old woman – convinced Jews were helping facilitate this “invasion”.



So, after arriving to Juchitán, I have to know. Who’s paying for the buses?



One of the volunteers leads me to a small woman in a bright floral dress delegating an army of women prepping for the arrivals by stirring vats of black beans and chicharrones over two roaring fires. “It’s her,” the man says, yet after consulting with her in private, he returns and tells me, “Just say it’s a local woman who’d like to remain anonymous.”



The festering paranoia in the States is confusing to most migrants, who haven’t figured out their role as political tools in the lead-up to an election. “Why is Donald Trump so afraid of us?” a farmer from Ocotepeque asked me. “Doesn’t he have children? Doesn’t he know we’re leaving some of our kids behind?”



Many of them ask what will happen to them once they reach the border. I’m always surprised when they haven’t heard about detention centers and family separation. I inform them, then add, sheepishly, “But who knows with you?”



.

Juan steps off one of the first buses to arrive. He’s holding Lesly in his arms, but there’s no sight of his stroller. “They wouldn’t let me bring it on the bus,” he says. In the chaos of boarding, he’d given the stroller to his brother. This plan worried Juan, since a week ago his brother had vanished for two days, lost in the movement of the crowd.



The migrants are being housed in a half-finished bus depot on the edge of town. Local crews get busy raising tarps for shade as families begin to arrive. Without his blankets and bedding, Juan has only a plastic sheet for Lesly to lie down on, and the hard concrete makes her agitated. Her body seizes, clearly uncomfortable.





Lesly, being taken care of by her dad. Photograph: Hans-Maximo Musielik/Hans-Maximo Musielik for Guardian US

“She’s got a high fever,” Juan says, feeling her head. The cold and flu going around has affected everyone, but he’s got to be careful with Lesly. Sitting on his bottom, Juan hoists his daughter into his lap and cradles her like a baby, then rocks her gently back and forth. The security of her father’s arms causes her to go slack. Her face relaxes, her eyes slowly close, and within minutes she’s asleep.



“Sancho!”



I turn around and see 15-year-old Javier. He’s a bit cross-eyed so it’s hard to see where he’s looking, but he runs straight over and wraps me in a hug. It’s the most energetic I’ve ever seen him. “Sancho!” he shouts again. For whatever reason, that’s what he’s been calling me.



The previous day, my driver Rey had scoured the area and found a pharmacy that carried his medicine. Just a couple of pills and Javier was a completely different person. “He’s been hugging everyone,” María says, smiling.



But the following morning when I return, María looks stricken. Sometime in the night Javier began having seizures. The ambulance at the camp rushed him to the hospital, where she thought he was going to die. “His fingers and lips were turning blue,” María says. “He was barely breathing. I thought it was the end.”



Javier sits beside his mother now, all of his old energy drained. He droops, listless. The doctor said he was horribly dehydrated. He also needed to triple the dosage of his medication, which contributed to his seizures. But the hospital had no medicines to give him, not even an IV. “They said I need to get him to Mexico City,” she says.



It will be days before the caravan reaches the capital. Yet from the looks of it, everything has stalled.



The migrants remain in Juchitán for the next two days, stewing in the heat. The Red Cross tent is full of people suffering flu, diarrhea, respiratory infections, dehydration and lots of blisters and twisted ankles. At night, the camp sounds like a tuberculosis ward.



One of the things stalling them is geography. Staying north-west along the Pan-American Highway takes them through the mountains, where the road is narrow and winding and full of blind curves – ripe for accidents. But the road north is desolate with few large towns, and once they reach the state of Veracruz, it’s cartel territory all the way north. The organizers need time to plan.



Geography is a puzzle. For a poor farmer unschooled about the greater world, the map of the mind cannot accurately account for distance or terrain, for histories and peoples, much less a well-fed American soldier holding an M4 rifle.





Men getting their feet looked after – migrants walk for hours and hours every day. Photograph: Hans-Maximo Musielik/Hans-Maximo Musielik for Guardian US

Inside the depot, a trucker steps up. He’s traveled the whole country, he says. “If we go through Tamaulipas, the cartels will kill us,” he says, referring to the embattled Mexican state along the south Texas border – currently the shortest route.



“Then how far to Tijuana?” a man asks.



“Three thousand kilometers.”



“Híjole. If we keep stopping like this, we’ll never get there!”



“And Mexico City is dangerous,” the trucker adds. “No one will give you money. There, you’re invisible!”



“Do the organizers knows this?” another asks. “Do they know anything?!”



Night and day under the tarps, the temperature is blazing. The toilets begin to smell, along with every tree line that’s been used as a latrine. Garbage piles up. People become restless, and boys start picking fights. It’s as if the natural order of the caravan has been betrayed. “We need to move,” Juan says. “Only bad things can happen if we stay here.”



The organizers’ reticence to share information fosters much speculation. Fear creeps into the idle mind, and soon many rumors are hatched.



“If we stay here we must be careful,” he adds. “I’m told there are criminals going around kidnapping children, and they sell their organs to the cartels.” María had told me the same thing the previous day.



People become paranoid that the caravan will never leave, that it’s a plot by Donald Trump and the Mexican president to keep them in Juchitán forever. This theory is apparently supported by an evangelical prophet who preaches one afternoon, warning the crowd if they break from the group, death will follow. “If you leave,” she tells the restless ones, “it will be without the protection of God.”



So, it’s with both trepidation and relief that we hear the caravan will be moving north toward Veracruz, to a town called Matías Romero.



No buses will be provided. At 4am the next morning, we set out on foot.



We’re not even to the highway when Javier stops and throws up. We sit down to let him rest, while María pats his back and grimaces. But within five minutes, he’s smiling again and wanting to move. He stands, takes hold of my hand, and we walk.



María carries a garbage bag of their belongings slung over her shoulder. She wants to talk about her brothers, Francis and Manuel. “I told you they were murdered because they couldn’t pay the gang,” she says. “That’s because all of their money had gone to help Javier. Francis and Manuel died helping my son.”





María Cáceres and her son Javier on the road. Photograph: Hans-Maximo Musielik/Hans-Maximo Musielik for Guardian US

She tells me that just last year, her brothers had joined a similar caravan from Honduras to Tijuana, where they’d found work in a restaurant and earned decent money. They’d stayed four months but had to return after their mother became ill.



“And now I’m traveling the same road as my brothers,” she says. “I feel them walking beside us. They give me strength to keep going.”



I think of all the migrants who came before, all the other ghosts now walking beside us. Migrants from El Salvador and Cuba, Russia and Germany, from the killing fields of Sudan, Iraq and Syria. Cotton pickers from Texas and sodbusters from Oklahoma. Hebrews wandering in the desert; a pregnant mother from Nazareth following a distant star.



I can see my grandfathers and uncle who, in 1931, fled the dust-blown cotton fields of west Texas and headed for California, seeking jobs and a better life for their kids. They hopped freight trains, joining over a million young men riding the rails to find work. Riders often died from suffocating in boxcars, falling beneath the wheels, or being scraped off the roof when the trains entered the tunnels. Firemen soaked them with water so they’d freeze once they gathered speed. Railroad police beat them, oftentimes to death. And when the poor farmers finally reached California, they were met at the border by cops who detained them and turned them away. Those who crossed the border faced resentment, hostility and squalor.



This is what I think of as I walk with Javier and María. How save for a few details, we’ve all been strangers on our own migrant roads.



We stop near a pasture so Javier can pee. He hoots and hollers at the cows behind the fence and cries, “MOOOO!” Seeing him in a good mood and feeling strong puts María at ease. I ask her if she’s learned anything while on the road, if the wilderness had taught her any lessons as it had for so many others.



“I’ve learned that I can trust myself to take care of my kids,” she says. “After my husband left me, I felt like a piece of trash that someone tossed away. I was self-conscious and full of doubt, boxed in by four walls in a room by myself. Now that’s gone. For the first time ever, no matter where we end up, I feel really strong.”



I find Juan and Lesly at another junction about a mile away. Back in Juchitán, Juan’s brother had managed to return the stroller, but one of the wheels had broken. Now as Juan pushes Lesly, who is heavy, the wheel strains under her weight and threatens to collapse. They can barely move.



“It’s all I’ve been thinking about,” Juan says, staring at the stroller. “What am I going to do?”



By now it’s hot and the crowds are getting agitated. When a pickup appears with an empty bed, Juan pushes the stroller as fast as it can go but he’s too late. A swarm of men shove him aside, leap over Lesly, and climb aboard. The crowd scolds them:



“Machistas!”



“Marijuaneros!”



Twice more it’s the same. Juan gets the stroller close to a truck but is easily overcome. Women push him, and drivers and police overlook him, seeing only a man. But he takes it in stride; there is nothing he can do.





When a truck finally stops by to take some passengers, the few lucky ones often have to fight for space. Photograph: Hans-Maximo Musielik/Hans-Maximo Musielik for Guardian US

Finally, there’s a break: a lineman in a utility truck appears from the gravel road behind us and Juan makes his move. He practically drags the stroller to the truck cab and the driver motions him inside. Juan opens the door and quickly lifts Lesly into the seat. He climbs in, takes a breath, and they pull away in a cloud of dust.



In Matías Romero, I find Juan and Lesly lying in the grass as workers erect tarp shelters above them. You made it fast, I say. He tells me the trucker could only drive them 10km. It was hot. Lesly was looking faint, and the stroller was all but useless. So, he wound up hiring a moto-taxi, which drained the last peso of his savings.



“I can’t stop thinking about the stroller,” he tells me. “Today I thought about turning back, but I keep telling myself: one more day. I’ll give it one more day. But if the chair breaks tomorrow, I think we’ll go home.”



A food line forms, this one just for women, so Juan hoists Lesly in his arms and pushes directly to the front. The server looks up, sees his daughter, and hands Juan a plate. But only one.



That night, as I’m asleep in my hotel, a thunderstorm rips over Matías. The soccer field where the migrants are staying quickly floods. When I return early the next morning, the camp is eerily abandoned and quiet. Garbage covers the grass, along with hundreds of sleeping bags, clothing, and blankets – all soaked and trampled into the mud.





A man seeks refuge from the rain. Photograph: Hans-Maximo Musielik/Hans-Maximo Musielik for Guardian US

Most of the caravan is already on the highway, headed for Donají, 46km north. Rey and I spend the morning driving the road and scanning the crowd, until finally we spot Juan pushing Lesly in the stroller. It’s wobbling, held together by a prayer. They both look ragged.



“When it started raining we all ran for the park,” Juan says. “So many people were in a panic. We lost most of our things.” Gone were their blankets and most of his clothes. He’d even lost his boots; he now wore a purple pair of Crocs. “These are someone else’s I found.”



I examine the stroller wheel. There was no way they’d make it 46km, much less five. I have Rey make room in the truck and we drive them all the way to Donají.



It was time for me to go. But before we say goodbye, Rey reaches into the back of the truck and pulls out a brand-new stroller we’d purchased at the market – thanks to a generous friend back in Austin who’d seen some of my posts. It wasn’t the sturdiest chariot, but at least it would get Juan and Lesly to Mexico City. As we’re assembling it, a single mother and her little boy walk past and stop. She looks at Juan, then at the old stroller.



“Have it,” Juan tells her, and with glee the mother loads her son inside and wobbles off.



I think of the previous day when Juan was talking about going home. At some point, he’d caught himself and seemed to remember why he was there. “If we can just reach the US,” he’d said. “That life, finally having a real home for my daughter, that’s what keeps me going.”



That simple wish was also his greatest gamble. He lifts his daughter into the stroller, straps her in, and starts pushing her up the highway, north toward America.



• On 15 November, the first members of the caravan finally reached Tijuana, Mexico. The group had splintered as they passed though Mexico City and continued west. Juan and Lesly safely reached Tijuana several days later. They’re now staying in a shelter for asylum seekers, waiting to apply. María and Javier stayed in Mexicali for a week before continuing to Tijuana, where they also wait for asylum.



This is what Trump’s caravan 'invasion' really looks like | US news | The Guardian

"“Give me your tired, your poor, Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free, The wretched refuse of your teeming shore.", only if you are white. This is what Trump’s caravan 'invasion' really looks like | US news | The Guardian





"Those walking to the US to seek asylum have been demonized by Trump, who sent more than 5,000 soldiers to await them at the border. traveled with the most vulnerable among them



By the time I reach the migrant caravan in late October, they’d been traveling for two weeks since leaving Honduras, having covered over 600 miles. Leaving from San Pedro Sula, one of the deadliest cities on Earth, they’d set out over mountains, through forest and rivers, and along the way became both an international menace and a symbol of hope. Most days, they tell me, afternoon rains had soaked their belongings. Ants had bitten them where they slept. Crossing into Mexico, riot police had attacked them with clubs and teargas.



But for the most part, they say, people had displayed extraordinary kindness. Farmers had greeted them on the roads with sliced oranges and bags of water and strangers had given them rides. Every day brought these tiny, unexpected miracles: a plate of beans when their children were crying, a pickup when their legs could go no further. And for that reason, they believe that God is traveling with them on this journey to America.



I discover them in San Pedro Tapanatepec in the southern state of Oaxaca, traveling along the Pan-American Highway, on what turned out to be the toughest day of the journey. The towns had been small, and few vehicles had passed along the country roads. Most of all, it had been hot, with temperatures reaching 95F (35C). Families with children had walked over nine hours and, once arrived, had collapsed into every nook and crevice of the town.



A caravan of 4,000 people doesn’t simply visit a town, it swallows it whole, figuratively if not physically, and takes it hostage with its energy and chaos. Migrants move through the streets stalling traffic. Their bedrolls occupy every open porch and sliver of shade. Near the market, lines of them spill out from the internet cafe and the Western Union. A crowd overwhelms the merchant selling cellular plans, and for about two hours they bring down the network. Along the streets, residents peer out though closed shades and many businesses have closed.





María Cáceres and her 15-year-old son Javier. Photograph: Hans-Maximo Musielik/Hans-Maximo Musielik for Guardian US

Hundreds of people have staked camp in the town plaza, pitching their tents and crude shelters atop the hard cobblestone – a landscape of muddy blankets and plastic sheeting strung from tree limbs, poles and whatever mooring against the weather they can find. Hundreds more, mainly families with children, have taken refuge in an adjacent gymnasium. It’s here where I find my group: a pair of single parents traveling to America with their children, who have severe disabilities.



María Cáceres’s son Javier, who is 15, has Down’s syndrome. He’s a tall, chunky kid, with short dark hair, a missing front tooth, and eyes that are permanently crossed.



María tells me how they fled San Pedro Sula after gang members constantly harassed her family for bribes and “taxes”. When they couldn’t pay, some men burned down their house, then murdered her two brothers. María had just finished burying them when – on 12 October – the caravan formed in the center of town. Traumatized, she left her two other children with relatives and told Javier it was time to go. The two of them joined the exodus with only the clothes on their backs.



The journey has been difficult for Javier, his mother says. In addition to Down’s, he was born with hydrocephalus, a condition where excess fluid collects in the brain. He easily gets dizzy and complains of headaches. Doctors have told María that he needs surgery, but she’s never had the money. He also suffers regular seizures, yet it’s been weeks since they could afford his anticonvulsant meds.



The previous day, Javier collapsed from the heat while walking the highway, and María worries he’ll have a seizure so far from a doctor. She points to his ankles that are swollen from wearing flip-flops, and says the food donated in the camps is making him vomit. He hasn’t been eating, she tells me. “He’s very weak. When he gets tired he just sits down in the road.”



Next to them is Juan Antonio and his six-year-old daughter Lesly, who has severe cerebral palsy. Unable to walk or speak, she’s bound to a stroller that’s too small and showing wear. Her big brown eyes slowly across the room, monitoring the action.





Lesly, six, sits in her stroller. She has cerebral palsy and can’t walk. Photograph: Hans-Maximo Musielik/Hans-Maximo Musielik for Guardian US

Juan is an aberration in the caravan – a single father traveling with so many women. A soft-spoken man, he hails from the mountains of western Honduras, where he worked in the coffee fields until the crops kept failing and forced his family to the city. In Ocotepeque, he found work as a security guard, but it paid little, and the streets where they lived were ruled by gangs and thieves. “One night they found us,” he says. “When I was at work, a man broke into my apartment and raped my wife.”



Lesly had sat in the room and witnessed the whole thing. For days his wife stayed home and cried. The rapist was a notorious gang member, and Juan knew that he would die trying to avenge her. Instead he called the police, who did nothing. When the man discovered Juan had snitched, there was no choice but to leave – but there was Lesly, who was all but paralyzed since she was two.



He’d recently gotten custody of the girl from her mother, his first wife, after he discovered she wasn’t being cared for properly. So along with his new wife and their one-year old baby, they latched on to the caravan. Lesly didn’t have a wheelchair or even a stroller, so Juan hoisted the long-legged girl in his arms and started walking.



When they reached Mexico several days later, his wife turned around and took their baby home. “It was too difficult for her,” he says. “The lack of food, sleeping on the ground. She went back to her family.” Now it was just him, Lesly, and Juan’s brother who’d joined them. They were trying to join their sister who lives in the United States, yet Juan isn’t sure where. He says this somewhat embarrassed – an admission I’d find common among asylum seekers.



Lesly sits in a stroller that someone had since donated, one of her feet scabbed from getting caught in the wheel. Just then, some kids set off some fireworks outside to celebrate the Día de los Muertos. The explosions send her into spasms. She arches her back and straightens her legs, then opens her mouth and emits a silent scream.



“Loud noises scare her,” Juan says, stroking her hair to calm her.



I look at this group, so fragile and helpless, and think how on Earth are they ever going to make it?



Each day, the caravan’s movements are planned on the fly. No one person leads the charge, although members of the group Pueblo Sin Fronteras, who have organized similar movements in the past, assist with support and logistics.



As the group heads north, advance brigades are sent to scout locations, speak to local leaders, and assess how best to shelter 4,000 men, women and children. Often the next destination isn’t announced until many are asleep. In the late evening we learn that tomorrow we travel to Santiago Nilpetec, another faceless town on the long journey north.



In the morning darkness, the migrant city comes alive. It awakens with a low murmur, a reckoning with the dawn. Babies fuss and mothers whisper. A thousand throats clear their phlegm from a nasty cold that has spreading through the ranks. And within minutes, all you hear is the sound of stroller wheels and restless feet as the shadows lift and move toward the highway.





Migrants in the caravan push strollers on the road. Photograph: Hans-Maximo Musielik/Hans-Maximo Musielik for Guardian US

The shoulders of the road are like swift-flowing currents. Lose track of someone in the darkness and they’re gone forever. I manage to find Juan and Lesly in the crowd, only to have them vanish as hundreds surge around me. I search but cannot find them, then surrender to the human wave. We find a rhythm.



The morning is cool and the stars bright overhead. I walk behind a mother and her two kids. The boy stares up at the big half-moon, then turns to his mother.



“Why does it have a halo?” he asks.



She has to think a bit.



“It means it’s looking at you,” she says.



“When we stop, the moon stops. It’s always watching over us.”



We walk until the moon disappears and the sun peeks over the blue mountains. The daylight reveals the scale of the caravan, stretching a mile in both directions, along with items it’s lost or discarded along the way: a child’s shoe. A pair of pantyhose. A sleeping bag. A banana peel draped carefully across a tree limb.



By late afternoon, the caravan has doubled the size of Nilpetec. It was only last September when an 8.2 magnitude earthquake shook this entire region, killing dozens and toppling buildings in every town. Nearly every one of the town’s 1,720 homes was damaged, while more than 500 were completely destroyed, says Zelfareli Cruz Medina, the town’s mayor.



Many people remain homeless, she tells me. But still, when residents received news of the approaching caravan, they banded together to welcome them. She starts reciting all the food currently being prepared – more than 4,000 sandwiches, fried fish, clean drinking water, while next to us, a group of women stand over a steaming vat of tamales.



“We know about suffering in this town,” the mayor says. “And we don’t want these people going through the same. It’s not a burden for us to help them. And besides, many of our own families have made this same voyage.”





Outside the gymnasium where migrants stay in San Pedro Tapanatepec, Oaxaca. Photograph: Hans-Maximo Musielik/Hans-Maximo Musielik for Guardian US

As we talk, I receive a text saying that President Trump has just ordered over 5,000 troops to the US border. A soldier for every migrant, waiting with a gun.



The families are being housed in a large community hall, where the plaster remains split from the earthquake. I find Juan and Lesly. It’s been a tough day, he says. “We walked for seven hours, and no one would give us a ride.” That’s because it’s easier for women. When drivers or the police scan the crowd and choose who gets aboard, all they see is another man, not this fragile girl obscured by bodies.



Lesly sits listless in her chair, wilted from the heat. They’d just come from the makeshift showers where Juan had bathed her. Now brushing her hair, he notices her head is full of lice. He sighs and keeps on brushing. Right now, they just need to eat. Some volunteers outside are serving plates of food to women and kids, so Juan picks up his daughter and joins the growing line. The only way he’ll get served is by actually presenting her in his arms.



I find Maria and Javier on the other side of the room. Javier is sprawled out on a blanket, fast asleep. His mother watches over him, pained.



“He couldn’t breathe,” she told me. “We were walking, and he started gagging.” They’d just set out from San Pedro that morning when Javier had a mild seizure. Luckily, they managed to find an ambulance, who could do little except give him water. It was my driver Rey who found them hours later, limping in the heat, and gave them a ride. A doctor with the Red Cross said Javier desperately needed his medication – Phenytoin, an anticonvulsant – but no pharmacy in town seemed to carry it.



“I don’t feel good about this,” María says. Like us, she heard the caravan was leaving again at 3am, bound for who knows where: north. “I don’t know how we can walk.”



But around nine o’clock in the evening, we receive wonderful news: families with kids won’t have to walk at all. Someone has provided a fleet of buses that will take them to straight to Juchitán Zaragoza, some 50km up the Pan-American.



Like everything else about this caravan, news of the buses proves controversial. After I post a small item about them arriving to town, conservative followers demand to know who’s paying for them?



Others had asked the same on Twitter. In fact, every Facebook post I’d made from Mexico had quickly produced a rotten trail of hate from both sides, with friends and relatives accusing each other of racism. All of this after Trump’s suggestion that Democrats were probably behind the caravan, and Representative Matt Gaetz of Florida wondering if the Jewish philanthropist and Democratic funder George Soros had financed them.



Fox News repeatedly referred to the migrant “invasion”, and one Fox anchor asked the homeland security secretary, Kristjen Nielsen, if there was any scenario under which US troops could just shoot them when they arrived. On 27 October, as I joined the caravan in San Pedro, a conspiracy-crazed gunman had walked into the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh and murdered 11 people – including a 97-year-old woman – convinced Jews were helping facilitate this “invasion”.



So, after arriving to Juchitán, I have to know. Who’s paying for the buses?



One of the volunteers leads me to a small woman in a bright floral dress delegating an army of women prepping for the arrivals by stirring vats of black beans and chicharrones over two roaring fires. “It’s her,” the man says, yet after consulting with her in private, he returns and tells me, “Just say it’s a local woman who’d like to remain anonymous.”



The festering paranoia in the States is confusing to most migrants, who haven’t figured out their role as political tools in the lead-up to an election. “Why is Donald Trump so afraid of us?” a farmer from Ocotepeque asked me. “Doesn’t he have children? Doesn’t he know we’re leaving some of our kids behind?”



Many of them ask what will happen to them once they reach the border. I’m always surprised when they haven’t heard about detention centers and family separation. I inform them, then add, sheepishly, “But who knows with you?”



.

Juan steps off one of the first buses to arrive. He’s holding Lesly in his arms, but there’s no sight of his stroller. “They wouldn’t let me bring it on the bus,” he says. In the chaos of boarding, he’d given the stroller to his brother. This plan worried Juan, since a week ago his brother had vanished for two days, lost in the movement of the crowd.



The migrants are being housed in a half-finished bus depot on the edge of town. Local crews get busy raising tarps for shade as families begin to arrive. Without his blankets and bedding, Juan has only a plastic sheet for Lesly to lie down on, and the hard concrete makes her agitated. Her body seizes, clearly uncomfortable.





Lesly, being taken care of by her dad. Photograph: Hans-Maximo Musielik/Hans-Maximo Musielik for Guardian US

“She’s got a high fever,” Juan says, feeling her head. The cold and flu going around has affected everyone, but he’s got to be careful with Lesly. Sitting on his bottom, Juan hoists his daughter into his lap and cradles her like a baby, then rocks her gently back and forth. The security of her father’s arms causes her to go slack. Her face relaxes, her eyes slowly close, and within minutes she’s asleep.



“Sancho!”



I turn around and see 15-year-old Javier. He’s a bit cross-eyed so it’s hard to see where he’s looking, but he runs straight over and wraps me in a hug. It’s the most energetic I’ve ever seen him. “Sancho!” he shouts again. For whatever reason, that’s what he’s been calling me.



The previous day, my driver Rey had scoured the area and found a pharmacy that carried his medicine. Just a couple of pills and Javier was a completely different person. “He’s been hugging everyone,” María says, smiling.



But the following morning when I return, María looks stricken. Sometime in the night Javier began having seizures. The ambulance at the camp rushed him to the hospital, where she thought he was going to die. “His fingers and lips were turning blue,” María says. “He was barely breathing. I thought it was the end.”



Javier sits beside his mother now, all of his old energy drained. He droops, listless. The doctor said he was horribly dehydrated. He also needed to triple the dosage of his medication, which contributed to his seizures. But the hospital had no medicines to give him, not even an IV. “They said I need to get him to Mexico City,” she says.



It will be days before the caravan reaches the capital. Yet from the looks of it, everything has stalled.



The migrants remain in Juchitán for the next two days, stewing in the heat. The Red Cross tent is full of people suffering flu, diarrhea, respiratory infections, dehydration and lots of blisters and twisted ankles. At night, the camp sounds like a tuberculosis ward.



One of the things stalling them is geography. Staying north-west along the Pan-American Highway takes them through the mountains, where the road is narrow and winding and full of blind curves – ripe for accidents. But the road north is desolate with few large towns, and once they reach the state of Veracruz, it’s cartel territory all the way north. The organizers need time to plan.



Geography is a puzzle. For a poor farmer unschooled about the greater world, the map of the mind cannot accurately account for distance or terrain, for histories and peoples, much less a well-fed American soldier holding an M4 rifle.





Men getting their feet looked after – migrants walk for hours and hours every day. Photograph: Hans-Maximo Musielik/Hans-Maximo Musielik for Guardian US

Inside the depot, a trucker steps up. He’s traveled the whole country, he says. “If we go through Tamaulipas, the cartels will kill us,” he says, referring to the embattled Mexican state along the south Texas border – currently the shortest route.



“Then how far to Tijuana?” a man asks.



“Three thousand kilometers.”



“Híjole. If we keep stopping like this, we’ll never get there!”



“And Mexico City is dangerous,” the trucker adds. “No one will give you money. There, you’re invisible!”



“Do the organizers knows this?” another asks. “Do they know anything?!”



Night and day under the tarps, the temperature is blazing. The toilets begin to smell, along with every tree line that’s been used as a latrine. Garbage piles up. People become restless, and boys start picking fights. It’s as if the natural order of the caravan has been betrayed. “We need to move,” Juan says. “Only bad things can happen if we stay here.”



The organizers’ reticence to share information fosters much speculation. Fear creeps into the idle mind, and soon many rumors are hatched.



“If we stay here we must be careful,” he adds. “I’m told there are criminals going around kidnapping children, and they sell their organs to the cartels.” María had told me the same thing the previous day.



People become paranoid that the caravan will never leave, that it’s a plot by Donald Trump and the Mexican president to keep them in Juchitán forever. This theory is apparently supported by an evangelical prophet who preaches one afternoon, warning the crowd if they break from the group, death will follow. “If you leave,” she tells the restless ones, “it will be without the protection of God.”



So, it’s with both trepidation and relief that we hear the caravan will be moving north toward Veracruz, to a town called Matías Romero.



No buses will be provided. At 4am the next morning, we set out on foot.



We’re not even to the highway when Javier stops and throws up. We sit down to let him rest, while María pats his back and grimaces. But within five minutes, he’s smiling again and wanting to move. He stands, takes hold of my hand, and we walk.



María carries a garbage bag of their belongings slung over her shoulder. She wants to talk about her brothers, Francis and Manuel. “I told you they were murdered because they couldn’t pay the gang,” she says. “That’s because all of their money had gone to help Javier. Francis and Manuel died helping my son.”





María Cáceres and her son Javier on the road. Photograph: Hans-Maximo Musielik/Hans-Maximo Musielik for Guardian US

She tells me that just last year, her brothers had joined a similar caravan from Honduras to Tijuana, where they’d found work in a restaurant and earned decent money. They’d stayed four months but had to return after their mother became ill.



“And now I’m traveling the same road as my brothers,” she says. “I feel them walking beside us. They give me strength to keep going.”



I think of all the migrants who came before, all the other ghosts now walking beside us. Migrants from El Salvador and Cuba, Russia and Germany, from the killing fields of Sudan, Iraq and Syria. Cotton pickers from Texas and sodbusters from Oklahoma. Hebrews wandering in the desert; a pregnant mother from Nazareth following a distant star.



I can see my grandfathers and uncle who, in 1931, fled the dust-blown cotton fields of west Texas and headed for California, seeking jobs and a better life for their kids. They hopped freight trains, joining over a million young men riding the rails to find work. Riders often died from suffocating in boxcars, falling beneath the wheels, or being scraped off the roof when the trains entered the tunnels. Firemen soaked them with water so they’d freeze once they gathered speed. Railroad police beat them, oftentimes to death. And when the poor farmers finally reached California, they were met at the border by cops who detained them and turned them away. Those who crossed the border faced resentment, hostility and squalor.



This is what I think of as I walk with Javier and María. How save for a few details, we’ve all been strangers on our own migrant roads.



We stop near a pasture so Javier can pee. He hoots and hollers at the cows behind the fence and cries, “MOOOO!” Seeing him in a good mood and feeling strong puts María at ease. I ask her if she’s learned anything while on the road, if the wilderness had taught her any lessons as it had for so many others.



“I’ve learned that I can trust myself to take care of my kids,” she says. “After my husband left me, I felt like a piece of trash that someone tossed away. I was self-conscious and full of doubt, boxed in by four walls in a room by myself. Now that’s gone. For the first time ever, no matter where we end up, I feel really strong.”



I find Juan and Lesly at another junction about a mile away. Back in Juchitán, Juan’s brother had managed to return the stroller, but one of the wheels had broken. Now as Juan pushes Lesly, who is heavy, the wheel strains under her weight and threatens to collapse. They can barely move.



“It’s all I’ve been thinking about,” Juan says, staring at the stroller. “What am I going to do?”



By now it’s hot and the crowds are getting agitated. When a pickup appears with an empty bed, Juan pushes the stroller as fast as it can go but he’s too late. A swarm of men shove him aside, leap over Lesly, and climb aboard. The crowd scolds them:



“Machistas!”



“Marijuaneros!”



Twice more it’s the same. Juan gets the stroller close to a truck but is easily overcome. Women push him, and drivers and police overlook him, seeing only a man. But he takes it in stride; there is nothing he can do.





When a truck finally stops by to take some passengers, the few lucky ones often have to fight for space. Photograph: Hans-Maximo Musielik/Hans-Maximo Musielik for Guardian US

Finally, there’s a break: a lineman in a utility truck appears from the gravel road behind us and Juan makes his move. He practically drags the stroller to the truck cab and the driver motions him inside. Juan opens the door and quickly lifts Lesly into the seat. He climbs in, takes a breath, and they pull away in a cloud of dust.



In Matías Romero, I find Juan and Lesly lying in the grass as workers erect tarp shelters above them. You made it fast, I say. He tells me the trucker could only drive them 10km. It was hot. Lesly was looking faint, and the stroller was all but useless. So, he wound up hiring a moto-taxi, which drained the last peso of his savings.



“I can’t stop thinking about the stroller,” he tells me. “Today I thought about turning back, but I keep telling myself: one more day. I’ll give it one more day. But if the chair breaks tomorrow, I think we’ll go home.”



A food line forms, this one just for women, so Juan hoists Lesly in his arms and pushes directly to the front. The server looks up, sees his daughter, and hands Juan a plate. But only one.



That night, as I’m asleep in my hotel, a thunderstorm rips over Matías. The soccer field where the migrants are staying quickly floods. When I return early the next morning, the camp is eerily abandoned and quiet. Garbage covers the grass, along with hundreds of sleeping bags, clothing, and blankets – all soaked and trampled into the mud.





A man seeks refuge from the rain. Photograph: Hans-Maximo Musielik/Hans-Maximo Musielik for Guardian US

Most of the caravan is already on the highway, headed for Donají, 46km north. Rey and I spend the morning driving the road and scanning the crowd, until finally we spot Juan pushing Lesly in the stroller. It’s wobbling, held together by a prayer. They both look ragged.



“When it started raining we all ran for the park,” Juan says. “So many people were in a panic. We lost most of our things.” Gone were their blankets and most of his clothes. He’d even lost his boots; he now wore a purple pair of Crocs. “These are someone else’s I found.”



I examine the stroller wheel. There was no way they’d make it 46km, much less five. I have Rey make room in the truck and we drive them all the way to Donají.



It was time for me to go. But before we say goodbye, Rey reaches into the back of the truck and pulls out a brand-new stroller we’d purchased at the market – thanks to a generous friend back in Austin who’d seen some of my posts. It wasn’t the sturdiest chariot, but at least it would get Juan and Lesly to Mexico City. As we’re assembling it, a single mother and her little boy walk past and stop. She looks at Juan, then at the old stroller.



“Have it,” Juan tells her, and with glee the mother loads her son inside and wobbles off.



I think of the previous day when Juan was talking about going home. At some point, he’d caught himself and seemed to remember why he was there. “If we can just reach the US,” he’d said. “That life, finally having a real home for my daughter, that’s what keeps me going.”



That simple wish was also his greatest gamble. He lifts his daughter into the stroller, straps her in, and starts pushing her up the highway, north toward America.



• On 15 November, the first members of the caravan finally reached Tijuana, Mexico. The group had splintered as they passed though Mexico City and continued west. Juan and Lesly safely reached Tijuana several days later. They’re now staying in a shelter for asylum seekers, waiting to apply. María and Javier stayed in Mexicali for a week before continuing to Tijuana, where they also wait for asylum.





This is what Trump’s caravan 'invasion' really looks like | US news | The Guardian

Sunday, November 25, 2018

Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez Interview with NowThis – Extended Cut | NowThis

The average IQ of an American cop is 104, which is pretty low. This Monroe County police and prosecutors' IQs are obviously a lot lower. "A woman who spent more than three months in jail is suing a Georgia county after a roadside drug kit falsely labeled a bag of cotton candy as methamphetamine. According to a lawsuit obtained by local CBS affiliate WMAZ, Dasha Fincher is suing the Monroe County Board of Commissioners, two sheriff’s deputies and Sirchie ― the manufacturer of the test. Fincher was arrested on Dec. 31, 2016, after officers pulled over the vehicle she was traveling in because they believed its window tint was too dark. While the tint was not found to be in violation of the law, a plastic bag containing “a light blue substance, spherical in shape” was located “in the floorboard of the vehicle” following an extensive search.". Woman sues Monroe County for wrongful arrest

Trump’s white evangelical supporters are unchristian on race, immigration, and poverty.

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They never had any since the evangelical movement began. "Polls show that on immigration, race, and poverty, white evangelical Protestants have surrendered moral judgment and social responsibility."

Trump’s white evangelical supporters are unchristian on race, immigration, and poverty.:

Brian Stelter: 2 Americas, 2 different news worlds

Saturday, November 24, 2018

Opinion | Looking Forward to Reconstruction





America doesn’t need a liberal Trump; it needs precisely the opposite of that.



By Charles M. Blow

Opinion Columnist

Nov. 18, 2018



"Make no mistake: The 2020 presidential race has already begun. It began before the ballots were fully counted from the midterms, and for some presidential hopefuls, it started even earlier.



People are already making the obligatory pilgrimages to Iowa and New Hampshire.



In fact, NBC10 Boston and New England Cable News have been tracking visits to New Hampshire by politicians who might run in 2020, and by their count, as of Nov. 13, Maryland Congressman John Delaney, who has already declared his candidacy and already has a campaign website, leads the pack with 35 visits (each city visited counts as a separate visit, even if it’s on the same day as another city).



Next on that list of visitors are Jeff Merkley, a Democratic senator from Oregon; former Maryland governor and 2016 candidate Martin O’Malley; the former Missouri secretary of state, Jason Kander; Ohio Congressman Tim Ryan; Senator Bernie Sanders; and Julián Castro, Barack Obama’s housing secretary.



As Politico reported in June, nine prospective candidates, including Senators Sanders and Elizabeth Warren, as well as former Vice President Joe Biden and the former Massachusetts governor, Deval Patrick, had met with Obama in one-on-one meetings.



Loyalists are prodding reluctant candidates and also-rans to enter the fray or return to it. Last week, Mark Penn, a pollster and adviser to Bill and Hillary Clinton in previous elections, co-wrote an opinion piece in The Wall Street Journal under the headline “Hillary Will Run Again.”



As the article put it:



Get ready for Hillary Clinton 4.0. More than 30 years in the making, this new version of Mrs. Clinton, when she runs for president in 2020, will come full circle — back to the universal-health-care-promoting progressive firebrand of 1994. True to her name, Mrs. Clinton will fight this out until the last dog dies. She won’t let a little thing like two stunning defeats stand in the way of her claim to the White House.



Other people are looking at another side of the field: Money. Donald Trump has already raised an unprecedented amount of money for his re-election bid. According to a report last month from the Center for Responsive Politics, “Since January 2017, Trump’s fund-raising efforts totaled $106 million, and the president finished September with nearly $47 million on hand.”



For comparison, the group pointed out how this outpaces Trump’s predecessors:



“President Barack Obama raised $4 million and only had $2.3 million on hand at the halfway point of his first term in 2010. In 2002, President George W. Bush raised $3.2 million and had $2.8 million.”



As The Washington Post reported in July:



More than two dozen people are in the process of exploring campaigns to take out President Trump, but only a handful have the relationships with wealthy donors, significant personal wealth or small-dollar fund-raising apparatus to raise the early money needed to mount a traditional campaign. The early advantage goes to those who hail from wealthy states, with broad networks of donors, such as California and New York, and those who will start the race with a national brand and large email lists of supporters.



Five Thirty Eight last month lined up the people they said were “basically running right now” even if “some of them end up never launching full-blown campaigns.” Names on that list were:



Lawyer Michael Avenatti; South Bend, Ind., Mayor Pete Buttigieg; Montana Gov. Steve Bullock; Mr. Biden; New Jersey Senator Cory Booker; Mr. Castro; Colorado Gov. John Hickenlooper; Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti; New York Senator Kirsten Gillibrand; California Senator Kamala Harris; Former Attorney General Eric Holder; former New Orleans Mayor Mitch Landrieu; Senator Merkley; Mr. O’Malley; Representative Seth Moulton of Massachusetts; Representative Ryan; Senator Sanders; Representative Eric Swalwell of California; businessman and pro-impeachment activist Tom Steyer; Senator Warren.



Throngs are considering a candidacy. We understand the ambitions, but what about what the country actually needs?



We are in the middle of nothing short of an ideological civil war in this country. People’s interests, inclinations and sources of information are so divergent that they are diametrically opposed.



Not all of that can be healed, but some of it must be. We can’t continue with half the nation viewing the other half as enemies.



Yes, we need someone to restore truth, decency and decorum to the presidency, but we also need someone who can lead a post-Trump reconstruction of civil society in which those who are willing can walk away from Trumpism and back into a more normal political reality.



Welcoming back prodigal partisans, those who have excused or forgiven or even cheered hatred, misogyny, racism and division, is easier said than done, and requires a special caliber of leader. The natural inclination of many, somewhat understandably, is simply to be a tougher Trump than Trump, but that inevitably reduces the candidate and the country.



America doesn’t need a liberal Trump; it needs precisely the opposite of that. Before we in our parlor games settle on who has the best shot of winning, let’s examine our lists for the candidates who represent our best hope for restoration."



Opinion | Looking Forward to Reconstruction

Ocasio-Cortez Makes Cuomo Look Dumb For 'How Do You Pay' Question

Friday, November 23, 2018

The Long, Entwined History of America First and the American Dream | The Nation

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"Whenever Trump and his allies rally around that phrase, pundits have been quick to point out that it originated in the isolationist movement before the Second World War. To be sure, the America First Committee popularized the saying in its campaign to keep the United States out of another “European war,” with celebrity pilot Charles Lindbergh serving as its spokesman and conservative publisher William Randolph Hearst throwing his weight behind it: The slogan “America First Should Be Every American’s Motto” soon ran across the masthead of every newspaper he owned. But as Churchwell writes, the isolationists’ campaign represented not the birth of “America First,” as many have claimed, but its death. (Or, at least, its death until Trump resurrected it.)

The phrase had appeared more than half a century before World War II to assert American independence and isolationism. By the mid-1890s, the Republican Party had adopted it as a campaign slogan: “America first; the rest of the world afterward.” The term appeared sporadically over the next few decades before emerging as a national catchphrase during the First World War, beginning with President Woodrow Wilson’s 1915 declaration that “our whole duty, for the present, at any rate, is summed up in the motto: ‘America First.’” Indeed, the phrase proved so popular that both parties’ candidates claimed it in 1916. Republican nominee Charles Evans Hughes ran on a slogan of “America First and America Efficient,” while Wilson stuck with the more efficient “America First.”

While the slogan called for isolationism in foreign affairs (a policy that Wilson would soon abandon in 1917), it also signaled a similar retreat from cosmopolitan politics at home. As the United States drifted into the First World War, nativists increasingly became concerned over the “hyphenates” in their midst: those who called themselves German-American, Irish-American, Italian-American, and the like. It was time, Wilson insisted in 1915, for every immigrant “to declare himself, where he stands. Is it America first or is it not?” Less than a decade later, the United States embraced drastic restrictions on immigration through the National Origins Act of 1924. As a Republican supporter in Congress explained, the policy simply reflected “the doctrine of America first for Americans.”

Not surprisingly, the Ku Klux Klan employed “America First” in much the same way, using it to demand nothing less than “100% Americanism”—which for the group meant 100 percent white Americanism. In 1921, a circular listed the “ABCs” of the KKK: “America first, benevolence, clannishness.” While the Klan was often called the “American Fascisti” during this era, the same arguments were advanced by more openly fascist organizations like William Pelley’s Silver Shirts, an American counterpart to Mussolini’s blackshirts and Hitler’s brownshirts. “The various colored shirt orders—the whole haberdashery brigade who play upon sectional prejudice—are sowing the seeds of fascism,” the writer James Waterman Wise warned. “It may come wrapped in a flag or a Hearst newspaper,” he added, with “America First” on the masthead.

The use of the two phrases came to a head with the advent of World War II. As Churchwell writes, the America First Committee used the exceptionalism of the American dream to argue for isolation from the rest of the world. “Americans! Wake Up!” one of the group’s ads implored. “In 1776, three million Americans dared to sign a Declaration of Independence, unsupported by any foreign navy, unafraid of any foreign economy. And the ‘American Dream’ was born.”

But even as the two phrases came together, they were soon riven apart. Weeks after Pearl Harbor, the America First Committee folded, with Lindbergh and its other leaders promising support for the coming conflict. While some Americans, a newspaper noted, were “still America Firsting” during the war, the phrase and the isolationist policies it represented quickly fell out of favor. By the end of the war, both had been largely discredited."

The Long, Entwined History of America First and the American Dream | The Nation:

You Can't Get Conservative White Women To Change Their Minds. The great electoral opportunity of 2020 is not in converting Trump voters. It’s motivating the large numbers of Americans who don’t vote at all. | The Nation

Ivanka Trump speech



You Can't Get Conservative White Women To Change Their Minds | The Nation

Undocumented student earns Rhodes scholarship

Thursday, November 22, 2018

Cindy Hyde-Smith Stumbles In Senate Debate | All In | MSNBC

Opinion | What if We’re All Coming Back? - The New York Times

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An excellent piece and particularly poignant critique of John Raws's "Theory of Justice" which was popular among advanced Jurisprudence students when I was in law school. It is fun to see how often African American scholars come independently to the exact same conclusions concerning western thought.

"I can’t say that I believe in reincarnation, but I understand why some people do. In fact, I had a bizarre experience as a teenager that made me wonder if I had known someone in a past life.

I was walking to school one day, lost in thought. I turned the corner onto a wide, tree-lined street and noticed a man on the other side heading my direction. For an instant, we held each other’s gaze and a startling wave of excitement and recognition washed over me. We spontaneously ran toward each other, as if to embrace a long-lost friend, relative or lover. But just as we were close enough to see the other’s face, we were both jolted by the awareness that we didn’t actually know each other.

We stood in the middle of the street, bewildered. I mumbled, “I’m so sorry — I thought I knew you.” Equally embarrassed, he replied: “Oh, my God, this is so strange. What’s happening right now?” We backed away awkwardly — me, a teenage black girl; he, a middle-aged white man. I never saw him again.

The incident shook me deeply. This was not a case of mistaken identity. Something profound and mysterious happened and we both knew it. Still, I’m not among the 33 percent of Americans (including 29 percent of Christians) who believe in reincarnation. Lately, though, I’ve been thinking that if more of us did believe we were coming back, it could change everything.

At first, I thought about reincarnation in the narrowest possible terms, wondering what future life I’d earn if karma proved real. It’s a worrisome thing to contemplate. It’s easier to speculate about what kind of future lives other people deserve. Maybe Bull Connor — that white supremacist Alabama politician who ordered that black schoolchildren protesting segregation be attacked with police dogs and fire hoses — has already been born again as a black child in a neighborhood lacking jobs and decent schools but filled with police officers who shoot first and ask questions later. Maybe he’s now subjected to the very forms of bigotry, terror and structural racism that he once gleefully inflicted on others.

This kind of thought experiment is obviously dangerous, since it can tempt us to imagine that people have somehow earned miserable fates and deserve to suffer. But considering future lives can also be productive, challenging us to imagine that what we do or say in this life matters and might eventually catch up with us. Would we fail to respond with care and compassion to the immigrant at the border today if we thought we might find ourselves homeless, fleeing war and poverty, in the next life? Imagining ourselves in those shoes makes it harder to say: “Well, they’re not here legally. Let’s build a wall to keep those people out.” After all, one day “those people” might be you.

Once I entered college, I found myself less interested in karma and more interested in politics. It occurred to me that if we’re born again at random, we can’t soothe ourselves with fantasies that we’ll come back as one of the precious few on the planet who live comfortably. We must face the fact that our destiny is inextricably linked to the fate of others. What kind of political, social and economic system would I want — and what would I fight for — if I knew I was coming back somewhere in the world but didn’t know where and didn’t know who I’d be?

In law school, I discovered that I wasn’t the first to ponder this type of question. In his landmark 1971 book, “A Theory of Justice,” the political philosopher John Rawls urged his audience to imagine a wild scene: A group of people gathered to design their own future society behind “a veil of ignorance.” No one knows his or her place in society, class position or social status, “nor does he know his fortune in the distribution of natural assets and abilities, his intelligence and strength and the like.” As Rawls put it, “If a man knew that he was wealthy, he might find it rational to advance the principle that various taxes for welfare measures be counted unjust; if he knew he was poor, he would most likely propose the contrary principle.” If denied basic information about one’s circumstances, Rawls predicted that important social goods, such as rights and liberties, power and opportunities, income and wealth, and conditions for self-respect would be “distributed equally unless an unequal distribution of any or all of these values is to everyone’s advantage.”

Back then, I was struck by how closely Rawls’s views mirrored my own. I now believe, however, that the veil of ignorance is quite distorted in an important respect. Rawls’s veil encourages us to imagine a scenario in which we’re equally likely to be rich or poor or born with natural talents or limitations. But the truth is, if we’re reborn in 50 years, there’s only a small chance that any of us would be rich or benefit from white privilege.

Almost half the world — more than three billion people — live on less than $2.50 per day. At least 80 percent of humanity lives on less than $10 per day. Less than 7 percent of the world’s population has a college degree. The vast majority of the earth’s population is nonwhite, and roughly half are women. Unless radical change sweeps the globe, the chances are high that any of us would come back as a nonwhite woman living on less than $2.50 per day. And given what we now know about climate change, the chances are very good that we would find ourselves suffering as a result of natural disasters — hurricanes, tsunamis, droughts and floods — and enduring water and food shortages and refugee crises.

This month, the world’s leading climate scientists released a report warning of catastrophic consequences as soon as 2040 if global warming increases at its current rate. Democratic politicians expressed alarm, yet many continue to accept campaign contributions from the fossil fuel industry that is responsible for such a large percentage of the world’s greenhouse gas emissions.

It’s nearly impossible to imagine that our elected officials would be so indifferent if they knew climate scientists were foretelling a future that they would have to live without any of the privileges they now enjoy.

Rawls was right: True morality becomes possible only when we step outside the box of our perceived self-interest and care for others as much as we care for ourselves. But rather than imagining a scenario in which we’re entirely ignorant of what the future holds, perhaps we ought to imagine that we, personally, will be born again into the world that we are creating today through our collective and individual choices.

Who among us would fail to question capitalism or to demand a political system free from corporate cash if we knew that we’d likely live our next life as a person of color, earning less than $2.50 a day, in some part of the world ravaged by climate change while private corporations earn billions building prisons, detention centers and border walls for profit?

Not I. And I’m willing to bet, neither would you. We don’t have to believe in reincarnation to fight for a world that we’d actually want to be born into.

Michelle Alexander became a New York Times columnist in 2018. She is a civil rights lawyer and advocate, legal scholar and author of “The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness.”

Opinion | What if We’re All Coming Back? - The New York Times: