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Japan's Rising nationalism, Result: Unfriendly China, Korea and no Security Council seat. By Erich Marquardt. Asia Times Apr 17, 2005
Anti-Japanese protests that spread through China over the weekend are the latest manifestation of Japan's growing nationalism.
The protests erupted after formal approval by Japan's Ministry of Education to print a school textbook that glosses over Japanese war atrocities during its early 20th century history.
An estimated 10,000 to 20,000 Chinese demonstrators marched to the Japanese Embassy in Beijing, throwing stones at the facility; additionally, on April 10, an estimated 20,000 demonstrators marched in two cities in southern Guangdong province, with protestors attacking a Japanese department store in Shenzhen.
The protests are considered the largest anti-Japanese demonstrations in China since the two countries normalized diplomatic relations in 1972.
They are also the largest protests in the country since the US destroyed the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade in 1999 during the conflict in Kosovo.
Smaller protests in South Korea also sprang up over the weekend due to the same issues; both countries were victimized by Japan's expansion in the first half of the 20th century.
The decision by Japan's Ministry of Education follows a series of nationalistic actions taken by Tokyo that have enflamed emotions in the region.
For instance, Tokyo is: -
* engaged in an island dispute with China and Taiwan over the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands;
* claimed that the South Korean-controlled Dokdo (or Tokdo) islets, known as Takeshima in Japan, are part of its territory; and
* Japanese leaders, including Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, continue to visit the Yasukuni Shrine which, while honouring Japanese war dead, also honours more than 1000 World War II war criminals, among them 14 Class A war criminals;
* the Japanese military has been increasing its power potential, building up its military and projecting its forces to locations as far as Iraq; and
* Tokyo has declared a more assertive foreign policy, best seen through its declaration that it will join the US in defending Taiwan against an invasion from mainland China.
Japan's nationalism
Japan's growing nationalism derives from its desire to develop a more independent foreign policy and to increase its military power; much of the country's political elite want to see a return of a powerful Japan. Fomenting nationalism among the Japanese population is a necessary development to increase support for a stronger military.
While in the past such levels of nationalism would be restrained due to the country's recognition of its violent expansion throughout East Asia in the first half of the 20th century, in recent years Japan's society has changed; the memory of Japan's actions before and during World War II are fading, China is dramatically increasing its power, and the difficulties encountered by the US in Iraq have eroded the certainty that Washington will intervene completely in defense of Japan upon a conflict with China.
This explains why a growing segment of the Japanese political elite has been stoking Japanese nationalism to create the societal conditions conducive to military growth.
Tokyo has laid claim to a series of island chains, such as the Dokdo (Tokdo)Takeshima islands, which are presently held and occupied by South Korea, and the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands, which are held by Japan but are contested by China and Taiwan.
Additionally, Tokyo has resisted international pressure to include much of its militant World War II-era past in its history books.
For instance, in one of its latest approved school textbooks, Japan's Ministry of Education permitted the use of a history book that omits Japan's forced seizure of some 100,000 to 200,000 "comfort women" who were used as prostitutes and sex slaves for Japanese troops; its use of forced labor; and its failure to mention the details of the Japanese military's actions in Nanjing, China, where tens of thousands of Chinese civilians and prisoners of war were killed by Japanese soldiers in 1937.
The organisation that authored the controversial textbooks, the Japanese Society for History Textbook Reform, consists of nationalist academics who are "deeply concerned by the very serious state of history education in Japan."
Nobukatsu Fujioka, the vice chairman of the organisation, explains that Japan is currently "educating our children using unsubstantiated, wartime, enemy propaganda. You can easily imagine how children come to believe that their ancestors were murderous monsters. In actuality, there is no evidence proving that Japanese war crimes were any worse than war crimes committed by other nations."
When discussing the "comfort women," Fujioka stated, "Prostitution in itself is a tragedy, but there is no evidence to indicate that the women were forced into it by the Japanese military. If this had been the case, I am sure the proud Koreans would have been so outraged that they would have stood up to kill all Japanese, no matter what the consequences."
In light of how sensitive Japan's neighbours are to the country's history, Tokyo's endorsement of the preceding statements are bound to spark anti-Japanese nationalism in those countries that were affected by Japan's early 20th century expansion, a development we now see today.
The demand by neighbouring countries - led by China and South Korea - to have Tokyo include such information in its textbooks is being played off by the Japanese political elite as being anti-Japanese rhetoric, which then ignites Japanese nationalism, moving the population more toward supporting rearmament and a nationalist foreign policy.
As argued by Fujioka, "More and more people share our opposition to instilling self-hatred in our children."
Indeed, Japan's political elite has argued that anti-Japanese rhetoric is a tool of foreign governments to conceal their failure to provide for and satisfy their populations.
Shinzo Abe, the acting secretary general of Japan's ruling Liberal Democratic Party, commented on this, stating, "Japan is an outlet to vent that anger."
Abe further argued, "Because of the anti-Japanese education [in China], it's easy to light the fire of these demonstrations and, because of the Internet, it's easy to assemble a lot of people."
Statements such as these convince segments of Japan's population to give more power to the country's nationalists.
Indeed, following the protests, the Japanese government asked Beijing to apologise for the demonstrations.
Beijing, wary of its population's own nationalism that is driving its regional power ambitions, refused, with Chinese government spokesman Qin Gang declaring that "the Japanese side must earnestly and properly treat major issues that relate to Chinese people's feelings such as the history of invasion against China."
Qin continued, "It should do more to enhance mutual trust and safeguard the overall interests of China-Japan relations, instead of doing the contraries."
Tokyo endangering its interests
Japanese actions have hurt its relations with South Korea and China. While there has always been nationalist tension between Japan and China, its relations with South Korea have been stable, since both rely on Washington's military umbrella.
Both countries were supported and protected by the US during the long Cold War with the Soviet Union, a time when China was in the communist orbit and when the US fought on the side of South Korea against the invading North.
It is important for Tokyo to keep its relations with Seoul strong. By alienating South Korea, Japan is driving Seoul closer to Beijing - this development is welcomed by Beijing but it should not be welcomed by Tokyo.
South Korean President Roh Moo-hyun already warned on March 23, "Now, the South Korean government has no choice but to sternly deal with Japan's attempt to justify its history of aggression and colonialism and revive regional hegemony."
Roh cautioned, "there could be a hard diplomatic war ... that may reduce exchanges in various sectors and cause economic difficulty. But we do not have to worry much about it ... we are determined to take the hardship on our shoulders if we really have to."
Indeed, Seoul has said that it would campaign against Japan's attempt to become a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council.
Japan's campaign to join the Security Council is part of the country's desire to increase its regional power; it is supported by the US and Australia in its UN bid.
In the words of South Korea's ambassador to the United Nations, Kim Sam-hoon, "There are difficulties for a country that does not have the trust of its neighbouring countries because of the lack of reflection on the past to play the role of a world leader."
China has joined South Korea in opposition to Japan becoming a permanent member of the Security Council.
On April 12, Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao said this of Japan, "Only a country that respects history, takes responsibility for history and wins over the trust of peoples in Asia and the world at large can take greater responsibilities in the international community."
While Japan enjoys the strategic support of the US and Australia, two countries that currently utilise Japan to retain the present balance of power in East Asia, these countries are distant, making it important for Japan to build a coalition of strategic allies among its immediate neighbours, with South Korea being the most obvious choice due to its history of being on the West's side in the Cold War and also being a strong economic power in East Asia.
Therefore, the souring of relations with South Korea will have a negative impact on Japanese interests by further isolating Tokyo in the region.
Conclusion
Japan's nationalism is a response to what it perceives as a changing balance of power in East Asia. The growth of China as a power has caused Japan to rethink its foreign policy strategy.
It recognises that despite its excellent trade relations with Beijing - trade between the two countries grew by 17% in 2004 - China is a threat to Japan's power and influence in East Asia since its current path will supplant Japan's role as the most powerful regional state.
To prepare for this future, Tokyo is increasing its military power while indirectly declaring that it supports the containment of China, evidenced by its statement that it would join the US in defending Taiwan against a Chinese invasion.
While its relationship with the US is critical if it wishes to keep its regional power, it needs to also work with other Asian powers so it does not find itself isolated on the fringe of East Asia, facing a Chinese-dominated bloc spanning its entire western coast.
Asia Times
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