Wednesday, November 06, 2024
Opinion The second resistance to Trump must start right now
Opinion The second resistance to Trump must start right now
Donald Trump will probably be even more extreme, radical and cruel to his ideological and political enemies in his second term than he was in his first. We need another resistance to take him on — starting right now.
I suspect most Americans, including some who voted for Trump, don’t want to see deportations of millions of undocumented immigrants, super-high tariffs, mass firings of federal employees, the National Guard being called in to stop protests, and other extreme ideas that either Trump or his top allies floated during the campaign. Instead, it’s likely Trump won because of lingering frustration with the high inflation after the covid-19 pandemic and the Democratic Party’s blunder in, at least initially, allowing a deeply unpopular President Joe Biden to run for a second term. That left Vice President Kamala Harris only a few months to campaign on her own.
That said, I expect Trump and his team to try to implement their policy agenda, even the most controversial parts. The president has surrounded himself with conservative true believers. And the president-elect has a decent case that Americans want a full-throated Trumpism. Voters knew who and what they were voting for and still chose to give Trump four more years in the Oval Office.
And I worry that Trump and his team won’t be alone in interpreting his second victory as a mandate from the public. Mainstream news outlets, business leaders and other parts of civil society who were very critical of Trump during his first term may now feel that he is a mainstream figure whose leadership they should generally accept. So the “resistance” to Trump may not be as broad as it was during his first term.
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But accommodating Trump would be a huge mistake. History is full of examples of autocratic parties and leaders (such as Democrats in the Jim Crow South) gaining power through fairly legitimate means, including winning elections, but still taking horrific actions once in office. Trump and his aides are likely to make it much more difficult to get an abortion, join a union, participate in a mass protestor get financial benefits designated for low-income Americans. They will seek to make living in the United States much less comfortable if you are an undocumented immigrant or a transgender person.
They may strip funding from colleges, cities, states and other entities that don’t go along with their agenda. They almost certainly will demean journalists, judges, left-leaning politicians and anyone else who questions their authority. They will also likely start unjustified criminal investigations of their political opponents.
Whether you consider the political movement that Trump leads to be best described as fascist, authoritarian, populist, Christian nationalist or just modern-day Republican, the most important thing to understand is that it will have real, damaging effects for millions of people. And for Americans who are not in danger of being deported because they are undocumented or arrested because they get an abortion, there is the less tangible but still emotionally taxing reality of living in a country that is going back and becoming less multicultural, equitable and free than it was before Trump’s rise.
“It really can happen here. The ‘It’ is unlikely to be a fascist dictatorship that looks exactly like 1930s Germany. But people need to accept that things can change. … It really could get much, much worse,” Georgetown history professor (and German native) Thomas Zimmer wrote recently.
Trump won the election. But that doesn’t mean his ideas are fair, moral, just or right. Americans who disagree with him should work as hard as possible to make sure his policies and views don’t become law.
So we should resist — again. Journalists, activists, nonprofits, left-leaning officials and everyday Americans need to go back to their posture of 2017 to 2020, carefully tracking every action of the president and his administration and being ready to aggressively contest it. There should be deep analysis and debate about why Trump won and what liberals and Democrats should do to prevent such victories in the future. But the first and most pressing priority is to make sure that people under direct threat from Trump, such as immigrants who have lived for years in the United States and done nothing wrong, aren’t treated inhumanely.
And this resistance can’t be too reliant on Democratic Party leadership. After losing by so much among White voters, particularly those without degrees and who are Christians, Democratic politicians may for electoral reasons distance themselves from undocumented immigrants, transgender people and others who might not be popular with some voters. So other institutions will need to defend those groups.
There will be prominent voices, including people on the center-left, who will say that anti-Trump Americans should guard against being too alarmist. That’s wrong. Trump aides have already started building the legal and logical infrastructure to carry out their plans. They aren’t waiting for Inauguration Day — and neither should their opponents.
An aggressive, persistent opposition was vital to forcing Trump to back down at times during his first term, particularly when his administration was separating children from their families at the border. A movement with fascist elements will soon be in charge of the country. Be alarmed — and start acting accordingly.“
Giuliani Moved Possessions From N.Y. Apartment as Creditors Closed In - The New York Times
Giuliani Moved Possessions From N.Y. Apartment as Creditors Closed In
"Lawyers for the two election workers seeking to collect on a $148 million defamation judgment against Rudolph W. Giuliani found that he had largely cleared out his Upper East Side home.
Eileen Sullivan has been covering the defamation case against Rudolph W. Giuliani since December and reported from Washington.
On the morning of Halloween last week, lawyers for two former Georgia election workers walked into Rudolph W. Giuliani’s Upper East Side apartment. They were there to get an estimate on what it would cost to move the former mayor’s belongings. Not much, it turned out.
Mr. Giuliani had taken his most valuable possessions elsewhere, further delaying an effort by the two workers to collect on the $148 million judgment imposed on him for defaming them after the 2020 election. The apartment, at 45 East 66th Street, is Mr. Giuliani’s single biggest asset. He tried to sell it last year for $6.5 million. But it is just one of a catalog of his possessions that a court ordered him to turn over to the election workers, Ruby Freeman and her daughter, Shaye Moss, by last week.
When the lawyers walked into the 10th-floor apartment last week, they found rugs, a dining table, a few small pieces of furniture and inexpensive wall art, they told the judge overseeing the case in a filing on Monday night.
Gone were the art, furniture and sports memorabilia designated to go to the women in compensation for Mr. Giuliani having falsely portrayed them as seeking to cheat Donald J. Trump as they counted the ballots in Georgia four years ago.
The lawyers found that Mr. Giuliani had failed to sort out the paperwork necessary to transfer ownership of the apartment to Ms. Freeman and Ms. Moss. And other possessions of Mr. Giuliani’s that he has been ordered to surrender, including his vintage Mercedes-Benz convertible and his collection of expensive watches, had also been moved, apparently to Florida, where he has a condo.
On Tuesday, Mr. Giuliani was seen pulling up to a polling place in Florida in a convertiblethat his spokesman Ted Goodman said belonged to Mr. Giuliani.
In response to Mr. Giuliani’s delays in turning over his assets by the previously imposed deadline of Oct. 29, Judge Lewis J. Liman of Federal District Court in Manhattan scheduled an in-person hearing for Thursday and is requiring that Mr. Giuliani be present. Mr. Giuliani’s lawyers asked the judge on Tuesday to allow Mr. Giuliani to call in to the hearing because, they said, he was scheduled to appear on live broadcasts on Thursday and Friday. The judge denied the request.
The lawyers for Ms. Freeman and Ms. Moss said they had learned that Mr. Giuliani had moved most of his possessions out of the Manhattan apartment four weeks before they got access to it.
Mr. Goodman said in an email that Mr. Giuliani has made his assets and possessions available to the women, with the exception of a few that are in storage. He said the lawyers for Ms. Freeman and Ms. Moss were “attempting to bully and intimidate Mayor Giuliani until he is rendered penniless and homeless.”
While it is not very common, there are instances when a defendant does not cooperate with court orders, said Kathleen S. McLeroy, a lawyer with Carlton Fields who specializes in these issues.
“There are people that think that they can continue to do whatever they want to do,” Ms. McLeroy said. “And unfortunately, a creditor has to be somewhat patient.”
In December, a federal jury in Washington, D.C., determined Mr. Giuliani owed the women $148 million for the damage he did to their reputations when he falsely accused Ms. Freeman and Ms. Moss of ballot fraud while they were counting votes in the hotly contested Fulton County, Ga., around this time four years ago.
At the time, Mr. Giuliani was working as Mr. Trump’s personal lawyer and was helping to lead the effort to overturn the election.
On Dec. 3, 2020, Mr. Giuliani and the Trump campaign released an edited video of grainy footage of people counting ballots. The people were Ms. Freeman and Ms. Moss. Mr. Giuliani posted the video on social media, where it was circulated for millions to see. He said they had hidden illegal ballots in suitcases.
A day later, everything changed, Ms. Moss testified last December.
Ms. Moss and Ms. Freeman, who are Black, started receiving violent, racist threats against them.
One of the messages read, “Be glad it’s 2020 and not 1920.”
“I was afraid for my life,” Ms. Moss testified. “I literally felt like someone is going to come and attempt to hang me, and there is nothing that anyone will be able to do about it.”
Ms. Freeman and Ms. Moss first sued Mr. Giuliani for defamation in December 2021.
For months, Mr. Giuliani routinely ignored court orders regarding his finances and his businesses. He was so unresponsive that the judge overseeing the case in Federal District Court in Washington ruled that Mr. Giuliani was liable for defaming the women, sending the case to a jury to decide the amount he should pay.
After the jury determined he owed Ms. Freeman and Ms. Moss $148 million, Mr. Giuliani filed for bankruptcy, which protected him from his creditors immediately seizing his assets. But he was similarly uncooperative during the bankruptcy process, leading the federal bankruptcy judge to dismiss his case some eight months later.
Mr. Giuliani faces additional lawsuits and criminal charges in two states. A former employeeis also suing him for sexual harassment. He has lost his law license in New York and Washington, D.C., because of his efforts to help Mr. Trump overthrow the 2020 election results.
Eileen Sullivan covers breaking news, the Justice Department, the trials against Donald J. Trump and the Biden administration. More about Eileen Sullivan
A version of this article appears in print on , Section A, Page 16 of the New York editionwith the headline: Giuliani Moved Possessions From His Apartment as Creditors Closed In."
Racism, snipers’ bullets and Elon Musk: the Trump campaign in 10 moments
Racism, snipers’ bullets and Elon Musk: the Trump campaign in 10 moments
“Trump’s campaign was possibly one of the most extreme, with violent rhetoric and a profound sense of grievance, but he resonated with enough people to win
1. A low-energy beginning
When Trump launched his campaign from his Florida resort of Mar-a-Lago it surprised many with its low-key feel – and it certainly did not entirely presage the fury and resentment that would come to define it as the campaign played out. Trump’s speech and demeanor were low-energy. “Trump has done this schtick so many times before that he seemed bored by the text,” Axios noted.
2. Immigration (and racism) became the centerpiece
Continuing from the themes of his presidency, Trump’s campaign made immigration and the US border with Mexico a central plank of his campaign. Using racist and violent language, he and his surrogates painted America as a nation assailed by violent immigrants, often using the language of war and conflict and with little regard for reality. This was especially true when Trump and others inflamed baseless rumors that (legal) Haitian migrants in Springfield, Ohio, were killing their neighbors’ pets to eat them. The lies sparked a civic crisis in the town. But rather than back off, the Trump campaign doubled down on them.
3. Assassination attempts and an iconic picture
It was the nightmare many feared in America’s nerve-wracking contest. A lone gunman fired on Trump at a rally in Pennsylvania. A bullet grazed Trump’s ear and the would-be assassin appeared to fit the profile of a mass shooter, not a politically motivated killer. But the moment provided an iconic picture of Trump, bloodied but unbowed, raising his fists in the ear and exhorting his supporters to “fight!”. Later in the campaign, only the eagle-eyed skills of a Secret Service agent prevented a second gunman – apparently obsessed with Ukraine’s war – from ambushing Trump at his Florida golf course. Violence had come to the campaign.
4. New York City rally with a Nazi echo as fascism debate emerges in the race
The Trump campaign’s decision to hold a rally in Madison Square Garden – in the heart of Democratic Manhattan and the site of a infamous Nazi rally in the lead-up to the second world war – felt like one deliberate troll of liberal America. That became especially clear when speaker after speaker used racist language targeting Black Americans, migrants, Latinos and Harris herself. The one vile insult that hit so hard that even the Trump campaign sought to back off it, was from comedian Tony Hinchcliffe, who called Puerto Rico a “a floating island of garbage”. The rally also came just as the word “fascism” fully entered into the race as a description of what Trump and his campaign represented.
5. A refusal to debate after losing to Harris
Trump clearly lost his debate with Harris. The former prosecutor goaded him into losing his temper and starting to rant – something his aides had wanted to avoid and which Joe Biden’s awful performance in his debate had allowed Trump to control. But Harris was no Biden. “You will see during the course of his rallies, he talks about fictional characters like Hannibal Lecter, he will talk about ‘windmills cause cancer’,” Harris goaded. “And what you will also notice is that people start leaving his rallies early out of exhaustion and boredom.” No wonder Trump refused a second go-around, despite his repeated talk of winning the fight. It was a claim of victory on the night that only Trump and a few true believers would hold on to. Declining a second debate was the right move.
6. A Republican convention speech that declined to go for national unity
When Trump took the stage at the Republican national convention it was in the wake of his assassination attempt. The moment galvanised the party into a remarkable display of passion and unity and cemented Trump’s firm grip on the party. But the speech was also seen as a moment for Trump to also pose as a figure trying to unite the nation in the face of such violence. He started strongly, talking of the moment coming under fire. But it did not last long. Trump veered off into the familiar refrain of grievance, complaint, misinformation and a grim view of the state of the nation. On immigrants he said: “[They are] coming from prisons, they’re coming from jails, they’re coming from mental institutions and insane asylums.”
7. Courting men becomes a theme
One of the fundamental theories of the Trump campaign in its final weeks was that it needed men to vote for him in large numbers. Trump’s political operation sought to activate low-to-mid propensity male voters, particularly young men, with surgical precision. Appearances were booked on podcasts of the “manosphere” like Theo Von, Lex Fridman, Logan Paul and the Nelk Boys. One of the biggest media interviews of the 2024 US electoral cycle was Joe Rogan’s podcast – followed by millions of rapt listeners. Trump spent three hours with Rogan in a rambling conversation that riffed on everything from his desire to be a “a whale psychologist”, to replacing income tax with tariffs and praise for Confederate general Robert E Lee as a “genius”. Endorsements from masculine celebrities like Green Bay Packers quarterback Brett Favre, former Pittsburgh Steelers Antonio Brown and Le’Veon Bell, and the boxer Jake Paul were also touted aggressively. It put a gender gap in US politics on stark display as Harris sought the backing of women, especially those outraged by the loss of abortion rights.
8. JD Vance recovers to emerge as an heir
JD Vance’s honeymoon as Trump’s running mate did not last long. The Ohio senator and author of Hillbilly Elegy – an ode to a hardscrabble Appalachian childhood – rapidly became the target of attacks and jokes after his campaign appearances highlighted his apparent social unease and tendency to say odd things, such as claiming Democrats thought Mountain Dew soda was “racist”. His politically extreme views on abortion and other social issues also came to the fore. When Vance faced off against Tim Walz in the vice-presidential debate expectations were low, but Vance surprised all. He turned in an assured, smooth performance that rescued his reputation on the campaign and suddenly sparked talk of Vance 2028.
9. Elon Musk enters politics as a crucial ally to Trump
Elon Musk, the tech mogul and the world’s richest man, has emerged as a huge force in the US election. As the owner of social media firm X – formerly known as Twitter – that was always likely to happen. But no one really expected Musk to charge so fully into the arms of Trump, campaigning for him in Pennsylvania, repeatedly echoing his talking points and conspiracy theories and coughing up millions of dollars to set up his own ground game in support of the former president in key swing states.
10. Trump the election denier
Trump – to the dismay of some in his party – never stopped talking about the 2020 election, continuing to deny Joe Biden’s victory despite no basis in fact for that belief. He even suggested late on in the campaign that he should never have left the White House. All of it formed part of a strategy to undermine his supporters’ belief in the fairness of the 2024 contest. For Trump losing was unthinkable, so even the concept of a Harris victory had to be denied ahead of time. The damage such actions have done to broader faith in America’s political institutions is likely enormous and one for historians to study.“
TRUMP STORMS BACK Stunning Return to Power After Dark and Defiant Campaign
(What does this say about the American people, electing a 34 time felon who was twice impeached plus a man found liable for sexual assault to the Whitehouse? America can never call another nation a “banana republic”).
Tuesday, November 05, 2024
Monday, November 04, 2024
For Trump, a Lifetime of Scandals Heads Toward a Moment of Judgment
For Trump, a Lifetime of Scandals Heads Toward a Moment of Judgment
(Unfortunately many reporters do not know American History well. President Andrew Jackson was involved in a number of illegal duels where he killed people as well as the murderous “Trail of Tears” when he defied the Supreme Court and caused the death of thousands of indigenous Americans)
“No major party presidential candidate, much less president, in American history has been accused of wrongdoing so many times.
By Peter Baker
Peter Baker covered the Trump presidency and wrote a book on it with his wife, Susan Glasser. He reported from Washington.
When the history of the 2024 election is written, one of the iconic images illustrating it will surely be the mug shot taken of Donald J. Trump after one of his four indictments, staring into the camera with his signature glare. It is an image not of shame but of defiance, the image of a man who would be a convicted felon before Election Day and yet possibly president of the United States again afterward.
Sometimes lost amid all the shouting of a high-octane campaign heading into its final couple of weeks is that simple if mind-bending fact. America for the first time in its history may send a criminal to the Oval Office and entrust him with the nuclear codes. What would once have been automatically disqualifying barely seems to slow Mr. Trump down in his comeback march for a second term that he says will be devoted to “retribution.”
In all the different ways that Mr. Trump has upended the traditional rules of American politics, that may be one of the most striking. He has survived more scandals than any major party presidential candidate, much less president, in the life of the republic. Not only survived but thrived. He has turned them on their head, making allegations against him into an argument for him by casting himself as a serial victim rather than a serial violator.
His persecution defense, the notion that he gets in so much trouble only because everyone is out to get him, resonates at his rallies where he says “they’re not coming after me, they’re coming after you, and I’m just standing in the way.” But that of course belies a record of scandal stretching across his 78 years starting long before politics. Whether in his personal life or his public life, he has been accused of so many acts of wrongdoing, investigated by so many prosecutors and agencies, sued by so many plaintiffs and claimants that it requires a scorecard just to remember them all.
His businesses went bankrupt repeatedly and multiple others failed. He was taken to court for stiffing his vendors, stiffing his bankers and even stiffing his own family. He avoided the draft during the Vietnam War and avoided paying any income taxes for years. He was forced to shell out tens of millions of dollars to students who accused him of scamming them, found liable for wide-scale business fraud and had his real estate firm convicted in criminal court of tax crimes.
He has boasted of grabbing women by their private parts, been reported to have cheated on all three of his wives and been accused of sexual misconduct by more than two dozen women, including one whose account was validated by a jury that found him liable for sexual abuse after a civil trial.
He is the only president in American history impeached twice for high crimes and misdemeanors, the only president ever indicted on criminal charges and the only president to be convicted of a felony (34, in fact). He used the authority of his office to punish his adversaries and tried to hold onto power on the basis of a brazen lie.
Mr. Trump beat some of the investigations and lawsuits against him and some proved unfounded, but the sheer volume is remarkable. Any one of those scandals by itself would typically have been enough to derail another politician. Joseph R. Biden Jr.’s first bid for the presidency collapsed when he lifted some words from another politician’s speech. George W. Bush came close to losing after the last-minute revelation of a long-ago drunken-driving arrest. Hillary Rodham Clinton fell short at least in part because of an F.B.I. investigation into emails that led to no charges.
Not Mr. Trump. He has moved from one furor to the next without any of them sinking into the body politic enough to end his career. The unrelenting pace of scandals may in its own way help him by keeping any single one of them from dominating the national conversation and eroding his standing with his base of supporters.
He even turned that mug shot into a marketing tool, selling T-shirts, posters, bumper stickers, coffee mugs and even beverage coolers with the image and the slogan, “NEVER SURRENDER.” And victory next month may yet help him escape the biggest threat of all — potentially prison.
Nonetheless, the full record stands out.
Making and Losing Money
Mr. Trump got an early start learning how to cut corners. As a high school student at New York Military Academy, he knowingly borrowed a friend’s dress jacket with a dozen medals attached to wear for his yearbook photo, in effect appropriating medals that he did not win himself, according to a new book, “Lucky Loser,” by Russ Buettner and Susanne Craig of The New York Times.
He likewise cheated to get into college, according to his estranged niece, Mary L. Trump. The future president paid a friend to take the SAT for him, Ms. Trump asserted in her own book, earning a score that later helped him transfer to Wharton business school at the University of Pennsylvania, a credential he has boasted about ever since. (A spokeswoman for Mr. Trump has denied this, and the widow of a man with the name cited by Ms. Trump as the test-taking friend said that she was confident her husband did no such thing.)
After graduating from Pennsylvania in 1968, however, the former military academy cadet had no interest in serving in the real military and risked being sent to fight in Vietnam. He managed to avoid the draft with a diagnosis of bone spurs in his heels — a diagnosis that evidently was obtained as a favor from a podiatrist in Queens who rented his office from Mr. Trump’s father, Fred C. Trump. Two daughters of the podiatrist, who died in 2007, have said that he often told them about saving the younger Mr. Trump from Vietnam as a courtesy to his landlord.
Freed from military obligations, Mr. Trump went into the family business, helping run his father’s empire of rental apartment buildings in the outer boroughs. Even in those early days, he came under suspicion of misconduct. In 1973, the Justice Department sued the Trump family company for racial discrimination in renting apartments. Applications from Black applicants were marked C for “colored.” Mr. Trump fought the matter in court but ultimately agreed to a settlement that the Justice Department at the time called “one of the most far-reaching ever negotiated.”
His business career vaulted him to fame, and he had notable successes, perhaps most prominently the rehabilitation of the Commodore Hotel and the construction of Trump Tower. But he often reached further than he was able to deliver. His record in business was pockmarked with plenty of failures.
The Trump Shuttle airline? Failure. His dreams of building a Television City in Manhattan? Failure. A United States Football League franchise? Failure. The Trump Plaza Hotel and Casino, Trump Taj Mahal, Trump’s Castle Casino Resort, Trump Mortgage, Trump Vodka, Trump University, Trump Steaks, GoTrump.com? All failures.
His most spectacular flameouts came in the gambling mecca of Atlantic City, where he overextended himself building or buying three casinos that ultimately cannibalized each other’s clientele as he failed to keep up with enormous debt payments. He filed bankruptcy for the Taj Mahal in 1991 and then for the other two casinos in 1992. He also filed bankruptcy in 1992 for the Plaza Hotel.
Even after recovering from that debacle, Mr. Trump failed again. His casino company filed for bankruptcy in 2004 and then again in 2009, for his sixth trip into that process. In his various bankruptcies, he was compelled to sell assets, and creditors were forced to write off some of his debt. But Mr. Trump has boasted that he still made money in Atlantic City even after leaving a trail of losses for nearly everyone else involved, including workers who lost jobs.
Mr. Trump played the game along the edge, and sometimes over the line, of propriety. To grease his path, he would hire a governor’s son or a federal prosecutor’s brother. Along the way, he was investigated time and time again. Federal, state and local authorities looked into his ties with the Mafia, found violations of money laundering laws and penalized him for skirting stock trade rules.
At one point when Mr. Trump was strapped for cash to make an interest payment, his father sent a lawyer to one of the son’s casinos to buy $3.5 million in chips without placing a bet. New Jersey’s casino regulators imposed a $65,000 fine for what amounted to an illegal loan.
But Mr. Trump makes a point of not admitting misdeeds or mistakes. Even his failures he portrays as triumphs. “I made a lot of money in Atlantic City,” he once said, “and I’m very proud of it.”
For years, Mr. Trump’s personal life was full of scandal, too, enough to make him a frequent topic of the gossip columns of the era. He did not mind. There was almost no headline too scandalous for him. “There’s no bad press unless you’re a pedophile,” he said in front of his campaign manager later in life.
After marrying the Czech model Ivana Zelnickova in 1977 and fathering three children, Mr. Trump began carrying on an affair with a younger model, Marla Maples. He and Ivana fought out their divorce battle in the news media, at one point making the tabloid front pages 11 days running. He even maneuvered The New York Post into running a banner headline “Best Sex I’ve Ever Had”supposedly describing Ms. Maples’s assessment of their bedroom life.
While living with Ms. Maples, he boasted of infidelity to a reporter during a call when, bizarrely, he impersonated a spokesman for himself and insisted that Mr. Trump had “three other girlfriends” in addition to the woman sharing his home. He and Ms. Maples later married anyway and had a daughter before divorcing, too.
He met Melania Knauss, a Slovenian model, and married her in 2005. But he was not always faithful to her either, according to other women. Stephanie Clifford, a porn film actor who goes by the name Stormy Daniels, claimed to have had a tryst with Mr. Trump in 2006, four months after Melania Trump gave birth to his fifth child.
Karen McDougal, a former Playboy Playmate of the Year, said she had a 10-month fling with Mr. Trump around the same time. Michael D. Cohen, then Mr. Trump’s lawyer and self-described fixer, arranged for six-figure payments to be made to both Ms. Clifford and Ms. McDougal in 2016 to ensure their silence before the presidential election, hush-money that would later come back to haunt Mr. Trump.
His view of women and his belief in his right to pursue them with impunity ultimately was put on display before that election anyway. The now-famous “Access Hollywood” tape posted by The Washington Post weeks before the final balloting revealed his belief that he could “do anything” with women because he was famous. “When you’re a star, they let you do it,” he said. “Grab ’em by the pussy. You can do anything.”
While he later dismissed that as mere “locker room banter,” Mr. Trump has been a one-man #MeToo magnet, accused by two dozen or so women of sexual misconduct that goes well beyond banter. One said he grabbed her breasts and tried to run his hand up her skirt on an airplane. Another said he kissed her while she worked for him, and at least two others said he groped them at the U.S. Open. Perhaps most famously, E. Jean Carroll, a writer, said he raped her in the dressing room of the Bergdorf Goodman department store in Manhattan in the 1990s.
He has consistently denied all charges, suggesting that all of these women, one after the other, simply made it up. “Every woman lied,” he said in 2016. In a couple of instances, he has dismissed the allegations, not by saying that he would never do such a thing but by saying that he would never do such a thing with those particular accusers because of their looks. “She would not have been the chosen one,” he said last month about one of them.
In the only time one of these allegations made it to a verdict in court, a New York jury last year did not establish that he raped Ms. Carroll but did unanimously find that he sexually abused and defamed her and ordered him to pay her $5 million. Another jury earlier this year found that he continued to defame her and ordered Mr. Trump to pay Ms. Carroll $83.3 million. He is appealing both judgments.
Avoiding Taxes
No president in American history has been wealthier than Mr. Trump. And no president in the modern era, at least, paid less in federal income taxes in their first year living in the White House.
Tax documents obtained by The Times in 2020 showed that Mr. Trump paid only $750 in federal income taxes in 2016, the year he originally ran for president, and only $750 again in 2017, the first year of his presidency. In fact, in 11 of the 18 years examined by The Times, Mr. Trump paid no income taxes to the federal government whatsoever.
Mr. Trump and his accountants have proved to be master manipulators of the tax code, bending it to benefit him in ways that would usually be damaging to a politician. The self-proclaimed billionaire, currently estimated to be worth $5.5 billion by Forbes magazine, managed year after year to pay less in income taxes than at least half of American taxpayers through creative bookkeeping if not more questionable tactics.
According to a Times investigation in 2018, Mr. Trump and his siblings took a real estate empire from his father that banks a few years later would value at nearly $900 million and, through favorable appraisals, paid taxes on it as if it were worth just $57 million. Buildings given by Fred Trump to his children were valued low by the Trump family for tax purposes and high for other purposes, turning a potential $10 million tax bill into a charge of just over $700,000, The Times reported.
He has even gotten the Internal Revenue Service to send him large amounts of cash. By declaring large losses on paper at least, he collected more than $90 million in local, state and federal refunds. Even Mr. Trump was astonished. “He could not believe how stupid the government was for giving ‘someone like him’ that much money back,” Mr. Cohen, his former lawyer, recalled in congressional testimony.
Mr. Trump constantly found ways of getting around paying taxes. At one point, an invoice padding scheme allowed Mr. Trump’s family to sell supplies to itself to get out of gift taxes. At another point, he shifted ownership of a failed Chicago tower to another partnership that he also owned to try to claim additional losses for tax purposes, according to an I.R.S. inquiry, a double-dipping scheme that effectively allowed him to claim the same losses twice.
Unlike every other modern president, Mr. Trump refused to voluntarily release his tax forms, going all the way to the Supreme Court in an ultimately futile effort to shield them from public view. But he has made no apology for avoiding taxes where he can. “That makes me smart,” he famously said in 2016.
The tax forms that did eventually become public highlighted the disparity between his public claims of business conquests and his private claims of business setbacks. In the same year that he published “The Art of the Deal,” his iconic best seller promoting himself as a masterful business mogul, his core businesses reported $45 million in losses on his tax returns.
Mr. Trump relied heavily on his father’s fortune to assemble his own. While he likes to say that he parlayed a $1 million loan from his father into his own empire, the Times investigation in 2018 found that his father had begun giving him $200,000 a year in inflation-adjusted dollars starting at age 3 and that over the course of his career he received $413 million in today’s dollars from his father’s real estate business. (Mr. Trump disputes this.)
The future president was not content to exploit his own inheritance. He got into a legal battle with his own niece and nephew, who accused him of cheating them out of their share of Fred Trump’s estate. Mary Trump and her brother Fred Trump III, the children of Donald’s late brother, Fred Trump Jr., argued that they were originally supposed to split a 20 percent share of their grandfather’s estate, worth millions, upon his death. Instead, under a revised will, the two were each offered a one-time payment of $200,000.
When they sued, the future president retaliated by cutting his niece and nephew out of the family’s medical insurance fund at a time when the younger Fred Trump was using it to pay for care for his severely ill infant son. “I was angry because they sued,” Donald Trump later explained to The Times. Fred and Mary eventually settled, but were embittered that their uncle would betray them in what seemed like a bid to find cash to pay his debts.
“He was willing to squeeze his own niece and nephew and manipulate his father’s wishes, all to try and stop his own creditors from collecting the money he legally owed them,” Fred Trump wrote in “All in the Family,” a memoir published in July. “If that meant screwing his late brother — well, so be it. If it meant raiding the inheritance of his brother’s two children — well, OK.”
Mr. Trump’s relatives were not the only ones who considered themselves bilked. Over the years, so did contractors, bankers, business partners, customers and competitors, among others. By the time he first ran for president in 2016, he had been involved in 4,095 lawsuits, according to a count by USA Today, although in many of them he was the plaintiff.
Not counting personal injury lawsuits, which are common for many businesses, Mr. Trump or his firms were the defendants in at least 1,026 of those cases, accused of not paying taxes, not paying overtime, not paying companies he had hired, not paying back golf club fees that were to be refunded and not abiding by contracts. He won many of those fights but lost or settled others.
His educational and philanthropic enterprises were also seen as shams. Just after he was elected president in 2016, Mr. Trump agreed to pay $25 million to students of his defunct Trump University who accused him of defrauding them. Two years later, New York state authorities found “a shocking pattern of illegality” at the Donald J. Trump Foundation, which functioned “as little more than a checkbook to serve Mr. Trump’s business and political interests.”
And in 2022, one of his tax schemes came unraveled when the Trump Organization, a family-owned business that he controlled, was convicted in criminal court of 17 counts of tax fraud, a scheme to defraud, conspiracy and falsifying business records for doling out off-the-books perks to some of its top executives. The company was given the maximum fine of $1.6 million.
Scandal followed him to the White House, so much so that he called it “the cloud” and complained that it was getting in the way of governing.
The most consuming scandal of his time in office stemmed from the investigation into Russia’s interference in the 2016 election. While U.S. intelligence agencies determined that Russia sought to tip the contest to Mr. Trump, the newly sworn-in president refused to believe that and took any inquiry into the matter as an attack on his legitimacy.
Along the way, he escalated the matter by firing James B. Comey, the F.B.I. director leading the investigation into whether his campaign had any ties with the Russians, and then told visiting Russian officials the very next day that doing so had “taken off” what he called “great pressure.” Actually, it did not. Instead, it led to the appointment of Robert S. Mueller III as special counsel.
After nearly two years of investigating, Mr. Mueller concluded that the Russians did interfere on Mr. Trump’s behalf, and he uncovered a stunning array of contacts between people in the president’s orbit and Russian figures. But Mr. Mueller reported that he did not establish any illegal coordination between Russia and the campaign and that “the evidence was not sufficient to charge”anyone with criminal conspiracy.
At the same time, he outlined more than 10 instances where Mr. Trump might have committed obstruction of justice by trying to thwart the investigation — including the dismissal of Mr. Comey. Mr. Mueller said he did not decide if charges were warranted because Justice Department policy precluded prosecution of a sitting president. Mr. Trump insisted this amounted to “total exoneration,” although Mr. Mueller explicitly said he was not exonerating the president.
The investigation and media attention on what he called “the Russia hoax” embittered Mr. Trump, and during his four years in the White House he expanded the use of government power to target perceived enemies in ways not seen since Watergate. While other presidents shied away from giving the impression that they were wielding the authority of their office for political vengeance, Mr. Trump was open about going after his adversaries.
Time and again, he publicly pressed his attorneys general — first Jeff Sessions and then William P. Barr — to prosecute Democrats or government officials who angered him. At various times, he called for the prosecution of Mr. Biden, Ms. Clinton and former President Barack Obama and lashed out when advisers resisted.
He grew particularly obsessed with prosecuting certain people, like former Secretary of State John Kerry. Mr. Trump was fixated on the former top diplomatfor talking with the Iranians with whom Mr. Kerry had negotiated a nuclear agreement from which Mr. Trump withdrew the United States. In meeting after meeting, Mr. Trump repeatedly badgered Mr. Barr to charge Mr. Kerry, according to a memoir by John R. Bolton, his former national security adviser.
Mr. Bolton’s memoir was another example of Mr. Trump pushing the bounds of the presidency to punish someone. Angered that Mr. Bolton had criticized him, Mr. Trump pressured the Justice Department to block his former aide from publishing his book. The decision to go to court to squelch a memoir prior to publication after it had been initially cleared for classified information by a career official was seen as so beyond the pale that the assistant attorney general who filed the suit on White House orders, Jody Hunt, immediately resigned.
Mr. Trump tried to put so many people who irritated him in the cross hairs of the legal system that it is hard to maintain a thorough list. He wanted prosecutors to investigate Mr. Comey as well as Andrew G. McCabe, his acting successor, and other F.B.I. officials who participated in the Russia investigation, including Peter Strzok and Lisa Page.
The president was so determined to revoke security clearances for John O. Brennan, the former C.I.A. director, and James R. Clapper Jr., the former director of national intelligence, who both criticized him on television, that his chief of staff John F. Kelly estimated that Mr. Trump raised the matter between 50 and 75 times.
He also sought to use his power to help specific companies he favored and penalize those that angered him. He told aides to instruct the Justice Department to block the merger of Time Warner with AT&T, which would include the CNN network, one of the biggest thorns in his side. The Justice Department unsuccessfully sought to stop the merger in court, although officials insisted they acted on their own initiative, not at the behest of the White House.
Mr. Trump also tried to penalize Amazon, whose founder Jeff Bezos owns The Washington Post, another media irritant, by pressing for increases in U.S. postal rates for the company and by blocking a $10 billion Pentagon cloud computing contract.
But he monetized the presidency for himself, as his Trump International Hotel in Washington and other properties became magnets for money from people and institutions currying favor, including the governments of Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates and the Philippines. Critics took him to court charging him with violating the emoluments clause of the Constitution barring the acceptance of gifts from “any king, prince, or foreign state,” although the Supreme Court threw out legal challenges.
Most notably, Mr. Trump sought to use his office to strong-arm another country to deliver dirt on Mr. Biden, a political rival. The president suspended military aid to Ukraine and leaned on its president, Volodymyr Zelensky, to “do us a favor” by announcing an investigation into supposed corruption involving Mr. Biden and other Democrats.
For that, the House ultimately impeached Mr. Trump for abuse of power on a largely party-line vote, making him only the third president ever to be charged with high crimes, although the Senate failed to reach the two-thirds votenecessary for conviction.
Mr. Trump made prolific use of his presidential pardon power to help friends and political allies — and particularly figures who he might have had reason to fear would turn against him by talking with prosecutors if faced with prison time. Critics argued that dangling pardons amounted to an attempt to obstruct investigators.
Among others, Mr. Trump gave pardons or commutations to Paul Manafort, his onetime campaign chairman; Stephen K. Bannon, his former chief strategist; Roger J. Stone Jr., his friend and political adviser, all of whom had been in the cross hairs of prosecutors looking at Mr. Trump. In the final weeks of his presidency, he also used his clemency power to help convicted felons who paid people close to him to lobby for them.
Mr. Trump’s presidency ended in violence as a result of his concerted effort to overturn the 2020 election that he lost so that he could hold onto power despite the will of the voters. He filed dozens of lawsuits and pressured state officials, members of Congress, the Justice Department and his own vice president to help reverse his defeat, something no president has ever done before. And when the crowd of supporters he told to march on Congress stormed the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, to try to stop the finalization of Mr. Trump’s defeat, he sat in the White House watching on television without trying to stop it for 187 minutes.
The House impeached him again as a result, accusing him of inciting the riot, with 10 Republicans joining Democrats. Never before had a president been impeached a second time. The Senate ultimately acquitted him again, but this time seven Republicans voted for conviction and several others said they voted no only because he was already out of office by the time of the trial.
‘The Real Verdict’
The explosive finale of the Trump presidency did not bring an end to the Trump scandals. On the contrary, it opened a new and unprecedented chapter in the epic and still-unresolved struggles between the 45th president and the American law enforcement system.
In the months after he departed the White House, authorities in Washington, New York, Georgia, Florida and Michigan opened investigations that ultimately led them to Mr. Trump. Civil lawsuits also mounted. Mr. Trump became a target or defendant in so many courthouses that his post-presidency has become a full-employment act for defense attorneys.
One after another, judges and juries found against Mr. Trump, branding him a fraudster, a sexual abuser and, through his real estate firm, a tax cheat. The two verdicts on behalf of E. Jean Carroll have left him on the hook for nearly $100 million including interest. The tax fraud conviction of the Trump Organization made him the first president to head a criminal company.
A separate civil lawsuit brought by the New York State attorney general, Letitia James, went to the heart of Mr. Trump’s self-image as a tycoon of Olympian proportions. Mr. Trump’s practice of valuing properties according to his needs came back to bite him when a judge found him liable for sweeping business fraud, ruling that he illegally inflated his net worth in securing loans. The judge not only hit him with penalties that could top $450 million, he also barred Mr. Trump from leading any business in his original home state for three years. Mr. Trump is appealing.
While that judgment in itself was a first in presidential history, it barely seemed to register compared with the criminal cases brought against Mr. Trump. In what was then a stunning move, the F.B.I. conducted a search of his Mar-a-Lago estate in Florida to find classified documents that Mr. Trump took with him when he left the White House and then refused to give back even when subpoenaed. That, too, was a first.
And then came what might have once been unthinkable — criminal charges against a former president. Mr. Trump was indicted not once, not twice, not three times but four times. While other presidents like Ulysses S. Grant, Warren G. Harding, Richard M. Nixon and Bill Clinton were not without their own scandals, none of them were ever charged with felonies.
The first indictment centered on those hush-money payments to Stormy Daniels. Alvin L. Bragg, the district attorney for Manhattan, charged Mr. Trump with falsifying business records to cover up the affair and the payments. The second indictment came in federal court in Florida where the special counsel Jack Smith charged Mr. Trump with mishandling classified documents and obstructing authorities trying to retrieve them.
The third and fourth indictments both stemmed from Mr. Trump’s efforts to overturn the 2020 election that he lost. Mr. Smith brought an election interference case against him in federal court in Washington, while Fani T. Willis, the district attorney of Fulton County, Ga., brought a racketeering case against Mr. Trump for trying to switch Georgia’s electoral votes. The Michigan attorney general, for her part, named Mr. Trump an unindicted co-conspirator in her own election case. He has pleaded not guilty to all charges and blamed Democrats for coming after him for partisan reasons.
The drumbeat of hearings and appeals and procedural fights that have followed may have numbed the shock value, but these cases will stand out in those future history books. He has gone to trial on only one of the four indictments so far, Mr. Bragg’s hush-money case, and the jury unanimously found him guilty of 34 felony counts. Sentencing has been pushed off until after the election.
The other three cases are in various states of limbo in part because of aggressive and successful defense moves by Mr. Trump’s lawyers aimed at delaying or undercutting the charges against him. The Georgia case was sidetracked by revelations that Ms. Willis had a personal relationship with the prosecutor she chose to manage the case.
The Florida case was thrown out in July by U.S. District Judge Aileen M. Cannon, a Trump appointee, not because she found Mr. Trump innocent but because she considered Mr. Smith’s appointment as special counsel to be procedurally improper, a decision that stunned legal experts. Mr. Smith is appealing, and the charges could be reinstated.
The federal election case was thrown off track for months by Mr. Trump’s assertion that he had immunity as president. The Supreme Court largely accepted the argument, ruling for the first time in history that presidents have substantial immunity for crimes related to official acts. Now Judge Tanya S. Chutkan must determine whether Mr. Trump’s actions in trying to overturn the election to hold onto power constituted official acts, a process that could stretch out for months.
In the end, she may not get a chance. If Mr. Trump is elected next month, he could pull the plug on the federal prosecutions, and even the state cases in New York and Georgia may be frozen while he is in office again. He knows that, and he is counting on it. As he said earlier this year, “The real verdict is going to be Nov. 5, by the people.”
Peter Baker is the chief White House correspondent for The Times. He has covered the last five presidents and sometimes writes analytical pieces that place presidents and their administrations in a larger context and historical framework. More about Peter Baker“
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